Australia is a part of what is termed, the Western world. It accepts and partakes in what are predominantly Western ideals and social rules. These rules, although many and varied, can sometimes be based on a combination of the Christian religion (as is the case in the US) or lack of any one religion (as is the case in Australia). Therefore, is it foreseeable or even acceptable that migrants from non-western countries, with non-western religions experience conflicts upon migration to countries like Australia? If at all, how do these potential conflicts or experiences effect a migrants ethnic identity?
This essay will focus specifically on Muslim migrants to Australia, regardless of their country of origin.
Australia’s first Muslim migrant settlers were the Afghan camel drivers. The 2000 - 4000 men arrived between 1867 and 1910 when the need for camel drivers was at it’s peak. Like most migrants during that time, they were kept apart from the wider society of British colonists, however, these cameleers were extremely strict in their approach to Islam which served to further alienate them from their British hosts (Jones 1993:49).
Following 1910, the number of Muslim migrants in Australia did not significantly increase, many Muslims, being denied citizenship returned to their homelands and those left behind became an ageing minority (Jones 1993:63). A change in Australia’s immigration policy following World War II saw Muslim migrants arrive from European refugee camps but it was not until the late 1960s that Muslims began arriving in Australia in large numbers, namely from Turkey and Lebanon (Allen & Omar 1996:10). The Muslim population has continued to increase from 3 908 Muslims in 1911 to 147 487 Muslims in 1991 with the most significant increase during 1971 (Allen & Omar 1996: 23)[Appendix 1].
In order to highlight the difference between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Australia, one must look (briefly) at what being a Muslim is. There are Five Pillars of Islam - faith, prayer five times a day, almsgiving, fasting and the pilgrimage to Mecca. Of these five pillars, the two plainly in conflict with the Australian way of life are praying five times a day and the fasting. Another conflicting factor is that Muslims don’t eat pork or drink alcohol, the latter a sometimes fascinating part of Australian culture. Already, there are defining differences that class Muslims as being the ‘other’ in Australian society, even more so than Italians or Greeks who are predominantly Orthodox and therefore, share a similar religious understanding with the majority of Australians. Still, an even more distinguishing aspect of being a Muslim, and probably the most controversial of all, lies with the ‘hijab’. The hijab, is often adopted by some women and is seen in the Muslim world as "religious commitment" however, through Western eyes, it is regarded as oppressive and as a "severe restriction on the rights of women" (Jones 1993:120). The hijab and traditional Muslim dress is an easily identifiable aspect of a Muslim woman. It is probably the most misunderstood part of Islam with the western world equating it with mistreatment of women to repression. What is often disregarded, is the actual acceptance of the hijab by those women who are supposedly repressed by it. "If the veil exists, it is because those who are wearing it feel it is a part of their tradition, a part of their lives" (Jones 1993:120).
In general, the Western world views Islam as "oppressive and Muslims are often seen as terrorists, religious fanatics and non-minglers"(Eriksen 1988:23). The media, deliberately or not, serves to instil fears in the minds of Australians with articles posing unnecessary questions, "ISLAM - Should the world be afraid?"(Jones 1993:108)[Appendix 2]. It is therefore no surprise, that in Australia, Islamic stereotypes have a stranglehold on the way Muslims migrants are treated here, in their host country. A prime example of this, was during the Gulf War when many Australians were verbally and physically abused in the streets (Allen & Omar 1996:10).
There is also no denying the history of discrimination against Muslims in Australia. In the past, such discrimination has usually taken a somewhat ‘gentle’ approach, however, sometimes, there is little or no apprehension in blatantly attacking Muslim migrants. The types of discrimination vary from refusing Muslim employees leave from work to celebrate holy days, time-off to pray on Fridays or, to the more disturbing approach that a Bankstown candidate took while running for office. His campaign surrounded the notion that Bankstown, a town with a large Lebanese population, should be a "Mosque-Free Zone"(Jones 1993:110).
There is little doubt that religion is often the basis for a person’s behaviour and lifestyle. Such belief and consequent knowledge of a religion constitutes the way a person establishes who they are - that is, their identity. As Rev. John Baldock suggests:
The extent to which people find themselves accepted and understood by their host community can also affect their sense of identity and their response to the new society …When groups or individuals feel isolated, feel alienated from the mainstream and ridiculed for their behaviour, then very often the things that mark their difference will gain even more significance.
(Jones 1993:106)
An interesting example of how rejection can manifest itself within society and effect the identity of Muslim migrants is in the case of Lebanese migrant, Ghassan. He arrived in Australia with his parents in 1967 and upon arrival, had his name changed to ‘Gus’:
Just because we had Muslim names we started to feel ashamed . It made me feel guilty, and sort of confused. Why did I have to change my name just because people mightn’t like it? … We’ll never forget that incident.
(Lowenstein & Loh 1977:131)
However, in 1967 the population of Muslim migrants was relatively small and Muslims were less likely to dispute any oppression of their Islamic identity. In a comparable case, Indonesian migrant Nurdin, arrived in the late 70s when the Muslim population had increased dramatically. His experiences of alienation and isolation because of ‘the things that marked his difference’ caused him to refute any attempts to oppress his Islamic identity and as predicted by Baldock, his Islamic identity gained significance, more so than, than if he had not been exposed to Australian culture (Ata 1990:133;140). The fact that Nurdin used his experiences in Australia to strengthen his religious commitment may be partly due to the idea of ‘strength in numbers’. As just as the Muslims community in Australia has increased, so has the confidence and visibility of it’s people (Allen & Omar 1996:11).
Understanding the ways in which Nurdin and Ghassan handled their respective conflicts in Australia is valuable in comprehending the importance of religion to minority groups and the ethnic identity of individuals within that group. As discussed earlier, Islamic culture conflicts with that of Australia greatly and that, combined with the concept of a growing Islamic community spurring confidence amongst Muslims, the link between religion and ethnic identity among Muslim migrants becomes apparent. As De Vos observes:
The use of religion to support ethnic identity is clear .... and Islam can contribute to ethnic group cohesion when special sectarian differences become important as a matter of group loyalty and identification in specific contrastive or conflicting social settings…
(De Vos 1995:21)
Muslims in Australia make up approximately 1% of the population (Jones 1993:1). Although, migrants make up a significant amount of this number, surprisingly, the number of Muslims who are born in Australia is increasing dramatically with 35% Australian-born in 1991 (Allen & Omar 1996:25). As the majority of Muslims arrived in 1971, then it is probable to suggest that the majority of those Muslims born in Australia are second-generation, young Muslims.
Young people, from any culture, are faced with many pressures. Muslims however, are often faced with twice the pressures and much conflict, with most having to deal with the normal pressures of being ‘young’ and the inevitable societal contrast of Islam. This effects their identity and as a result, some young Muslims "hide the fact they are Muslim"(Allen & Omar 1996:47). There are varying approaches that a young Muslim may take in dealing with the conflict presented to them. Some Muslims prefer to completely assimilate to Australian cultures and ideals, therefore taking on, an alternate identity - one that is shaped by a culture other than their own. In contrast, some prefer to take their religion and the identity associated with it regardless of Non-Muslim ideals. Others, take on a balanced approach, living the life of a Muslim in the home and the life of an Australian when outside (Allen & Omar 1996:48). For young Muslims who are migrants and may not have the ability to speak English, the pressures they are faced with are intensified greatly.
In order to find their ethnic identity, a task seemingly impossible to achieve in Australia, Sunaina Maira suggests:
For many second-generation adolescents, across ethnic and national boundaries, there is a second migration in late adolescence or young adulthood, a geographic or psychological return to the ancestral country … many of them imbued with emotional significance, that give rise to wishes to learn more about family history or to feel a sense of belonging.
(Maira).
With so many Muslims in Australia, it would seem that an understanding and acceptance of Islam is possible in the near future. However, if the current ignorance and rejection of Islam prevails the challenges for both Muslims and non-Muslims will only become more complicated. With a Muslims ethnic identity relying so heavily on religion, the currently confusing task of finding ones self could perhaps be a little easier if Australians began to understand Islam for what it is, rather than the stereotypes associated with it.
Religion is regulation. It is purpose. It is destiny. It maintains order and prevents an entropic reversion to primal chaos. An ethnic identity exists in a moral universe.
(De Vos & Romanucci-Ross 1995:358)
The Muslim religion is of extreme importance to a Muslim. Unlike most religions, it is not just a faith but a detailed way of life. Living that life, the life prescribed by the Holy Qu’ran is exceptionally difficult even in the Islamic world. However, knowing this, it seems that Muslim migrants are determined to practise their religion regardless of the obstacles or setbacks put in their path by the Western world. Despite this determination, and perhaps just as importantly, a Muslims understanding of Australian culture and society is necessary. In order for a Muslim to successfully maintain his or her ethnic identity after migrating to Australia, an understanding of Islam by all Non-Muslims is essential.
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