The concept of Feminism and Islam are often in conflict with each other and whether this conflict is due to a misunderstanding or whether it is due to legitimate causes is an issue discussed here. It is perhaps, necessary to explore the concept of feminism and the character of feminists in contrast to Islamic societies and women. It is hoped that in investigating feminisation and the Muslim women's identity the causes of the complaints which feminists wish to remedy will be identified and become clear.

Muslim feminist reformers, like all feminists are aiming to increase the rights of women. The rights that Muslim women should have but are often denied. There is little debate that 'strict' Islam prevails in the Arab world, more so than in Asian countries where Islam takes on a more liberal approach. Is it then possible, to equate the firmness of Islam in the Arab world with the treatment of its Muslim women? The perhaps coincidental link between the two exists, however, it would be iniquitous to completely ignore other potent social, political and cultural factors that are just as influential on the treatment of Arab Muslim women as Islam.

Perhaps the first task to consider, is the concept of feminism. Fatima Mernissi questions this in her book "Women's Rebellion & Islamic Memory", where she suggests the statement "Feminism is not home-grown in Arab lands, it is an import from Western Capitals" was degrading the reality of Muslim women as it implied that they were submissive to the male patriarchy and in awe of the Western woman.

Despite the inevitable truth in her comments, the inescapable fact is that feminism, as it is currently understood, is a Western import, but an import that Arab women have not blindly adopted. The role of Western feminism is not always relevant to Muslim societies as between them, there are varied cultural and historical boundaries. In order for feminism to have any influence on the status of Muslim women in the Arab world, there is no doubt that feminists, both Muslim and Western, need to understand and adapt to the existence of Islam.

In order to understand the appeal of Islam to Muslim women, it is necessary to look at the pre-Islamic status of women, their status following Islam and to explore the origins of patriarchy. There are obviously differing view points in this area, one which suggests that the status of women in the pre-Islamic world was better in terms of legal status and independence than after Islam and that Islam was a mechanism for institutionalising the superiority of men. This view also holds the opinion that "women are transformed into non-adults in the Qu'ran" and that reform such as the anti-polygamy law in Tunisia are needed to abolish the "standard pieties that some adherents to Islam repeat to justify inequalities". A contrary view is one that is more tolerant of Islam where 16th century pre-Islamic (jahiliya) society did not acknowledge the need for women's rights. This view is shared by Asghar Ali Engineer in his book "The rights of Women in Islam". He states that pre-Islamic Arab practises such as female infanticide, enslavement of women as an inherited possession and ownership by male relatives of a widowed woman were all prohibited by the Qu'ran. In the case of polygamy, the pre-Islamic period gave no restrictions on the number of wives a man could have whereas following the Qu'ran a man was limited to four wives provided he could treat them all equitably. This view, perhaps is based on the fact that the Qu'ran is 'God's words' and that equality and rights, as outlined in the Qu'ran already considers the natural fundamental differences between men and women. So, if we consider the immediate post-Islamic state where Islam was perhaps, at it's purest form, the status of Muslim women was at it's best then accordingly Muslim women today should still be able to enjoy the same rights as their Muslim sisters did immediately after the arrival of Islam.

This begs the question of why Muslim women in today's society do not share the same rights as Muslim women did in the immediate post-Islamic period. It then seems justifiable to consider the previously mentioned cultural, political and social factors that may influence the rights of women in a positive or negative fashion.

The attributes of a Muslim woman are somewhat fraught with cliché and stereotypes, which have been confused with the reality of Islamic doctrine. Examples of such stereotypes are that of Female Circumcision (or Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)) and the concept of 'honour crimes'. Other concerns for feminists are a Muslim woman's rights to marriage, divorce, inheritance, clothing and politics. It would be not be impractical to assume that Muslim women seek 'emancipation' from Western culture, however, the reality seems to be contrary to this view, as is the case in modern day Egypt where 'new feminist traditionalists' have promoted the notion of religious freedom. In Egypt, economic unease has led to a political reassessment, where men and women have turned to Islam for solutions and a "return to orthodoxy and a refusal of things un-Islamic". The rise of Muslim women in Egypt came to the fore under the presidency of Gamal Abd El-Nasser in the 1950s.

In 1952 the Egyptian revolution led by Nasser was to be the beginning of Arab Socialism and sanctioned egalitarianism not only between rich and poor but also between men and women. This is enshrined in the following statement from the National Charter accepted in1962, "Woman must be regarded as equal to man and must, therefore, shed the remaining shackles that impede her free movement, so that she might take a constructive and profound part in the shaping of life". President Nasser set about to achieve this goal in a way that would forever change the Egyptian woman's way of life. His most obvious step in the direction of women's equality was his education policy, which entailed free education at all levels and primary education compulsory for all children between the ages of 6-12 years. Therefore providing access education (a right according to the Qu'ran) not only to the poor, but especially to girls from poor families, who generally would not have been sent to school in favour of their brothers. As a result of this, the number of Muslim women educated and continuing on to higher education has continued to grow and hence, giving them the access to education they have a right too. In 1953-54 there were 6,121 attempting higher education, in 1962 this number rose to 19,762 and by 1980, there were 154,000 women accessing education. In this way, we can see how politics has influenced the status of women in an Islamic country - an influence, that has very little to do with Islam. Nasser's policies on equality were beneficial for Muslim women, however, politics does not always have the same advantageous effect, for if we take the case of Bosnia and Afghanistan, we can see how politics can reverse the equality it creates and that "under severe economic recession or a total breakdown of the system, women often become victims". According to Leila Ahmed, writer of "Women and Gender in Islam", following the Israel and Egypt war which ended in 1967, Islam began to take a firm hold on social life. She writes that some women were "offered a small sum for every woman they persuaded to wear the veil" and that rumours suggested "men who threatened to divorce their wives if they did not adopt Islamic dress".

President Sadat who was Nasser's successor also changed the status of women, providing Egypt with an increasingly Westernised lifestyle, Muslim women began to take on Western ideals in place of or along with their Islamic ones. The 'veil' or 'hijab' took on a fashionable as well as liberating purpose where women felt at ease socialising with men without fear of harming their reputation and where "[Islamic] dress does not declare women's place to be in the home, but on the contrary, legitimises they're presence outside it." Using the hijab as a feminist 'tool', Egyptian women fought for their rights. They are in essence, true feminists who used their knowledge of their rights within Islam and their economic rights to create a beginning that Muslim women today have continued.

It can be seen from the above, that politics does indeed play a part in the changing fortunes of Muslim women. Muslim women more and more are taking part in Islamic movements all over the Arab world, and through their contribution, the political arena in their respective countries is bound to change. Another, probably more complex determinant of a Muslim woman's status is cultural and social traditions.

In my opinion, nowhere is the distinction between religion and culture more apparent than when it comes to an Arab woman's sexuality. It is important at this point to mention that Islamic states, such as Egypt and Lebanon have large Christian communities who are also effected by the same cultural practises as Muslim women are. In effect, barbaric cultural practises that are wrongly thought to be Islamic, are in fact cultural practises that pertain to all Arab women. It would be probable to assume that one of the main concerns for feminists is the practise of female circumcision and honour crimes. Female circumcision is a pre-Islamic custom that despite education and the efforts of feminists is still rampant throughout Africa and the Middle East. It is perhaps, the most widely recognised form of 'Islamic mistreatment of women' despite the fact it is condemned by Islamic faith. However, it would be unjust to pinpoint the blame for this stereotype on the Western world, as ignorant Muslims themselves, sometimes wrongly consider FGM to be a part of their faith.

Another cultural tradition that relates directly to an Arab woman's sexuality is the concept of the hymen and shame and dishonour it brings if it is 'broken' before a woman is married, hence the notion of an 'honour crime'. The way it was broken is of unimportance as the social ramifications of losing the 'proof' of a woman's virginity are much too great and outweigh any appropriate rationale. The 'punishment' for a woman who breaks her hymen is death. In Arab custom, it is the father, brother or other male relative's responsibility to kill a daughter who loses her hymen before her wedding night. This tradition is passed on from generation through to generation of women and is applicable to both Muslim and Non-Muslim Arab women. Not surprisingly it does not have anything to do with Islam. However, like FGM and perhaps even more so, it is practised more among Muslim communities due to the belief that it is Islamic even by Arab Muslims themselves. This tradition which like FGM, feminists have arduously tried to prevent is so entrenched in Arab culture and pre-Islamic tradition that it is mistakenly considered religion. This emphasises how non-religious culture and tradition can impinge on the rights of an innocent woman's life and how the area often need of reform in Muslim societies have little to do with Islam.

To be equitable, it is important to recognise that there is a punishment for pre-marital sex that is outlined in Islam, however it is not severe, it does not depend on the existence of the hymen and it applies to both men and women. It may also be just to include the times when death is permissible by Islam. A relevant example is death as a punishment of adultery, however, this rule applies equally to males and females.

Economically, Islam gives women the right to their own property, wealth, and any earnings she may incur. The woman has a right to a sizeable dowry for marriage and the right to expect the same or improved level of economic status in her married life as in her pre-marriage family life (ie. her husband must provide her with the living standard she expects). If she does not get this, she can get a divorce. Nevertheless, socially this right is not often exercised by the Muslim woman, as often her wealth is often unjustly used by her husband and her marriage dowry is often wrongly assumed by her parents. Needless to say, this is against Islamic doctrine but preventing it is a seemingly impossible task.

The function of marriage, other than legitimising sexual intercourse, is tied to the distribution of wealth and the preservation of the social hierarchy. Traditionally this makes marriage choices rarely based on 'love' and instead on Islamic principle of equality or compatibility between spouses, known as kafa'a. Kafa'a establishes six points of reference: descent, Islam, freedom, wealth, piety, and profession. In today's society, where arranged marriages are less common, it is not unusual for a woman to marry for love and naturally include the concept of compatibility outlined in the Kafa'a. This naturally leads into the discussion of polygamy. As briefly mentioned in the above discussion of pre-Islamic customs, Islam does permit polygamy with a limit of four wives provided that they are treated equitably. However, this is seen as a "contextual justification" rather than a normative one and its "applicability must be seen as dated, not for all times to come." Apart from the fact that polygamy is not as widespread today as in the past, this suggests that polygamy holds no place in today's society and eventually will lose all validity. Yet, until then feminist reformers will continue to oppose the polygamy rule.

Historically, Islam provides modern day feminists with role models that complement their plight to restore the rights of Muslim women. Khadija a wife of the Prophet Mohammed, who is known for her economic independence, Aisha, the youngest wife of the Prophet represents political skill and religious knowledge, and Fatima the daughter of the Prophet is the epitome of morality and strength. It is through these three women, that Muslim feminists and women throughout the Muslim world gain their understanding of the need for rights, rather than to accept Western feminists who generally uphold foreign ideals. Other role models such as Nafisa Sheikha Shuhda (an authority on hadith) also remain inspirational to Muslim women.

The arguments posed in this essay are aimed at presenting the idea that religion, in this case Islam, is not necessarily the cause of problems associated with the mistreatment of Muslim women. It is hoped that through the brief discussions of Islamic doctrine, and through the explanation of the veil as a way of aiding women in their feminist cause rather than hindering them, it can be seen how Islam promotes equality in many respects. It somewhat seems that Islam as an oppressive religion is a "Western obsession" and should not "distract Muslims from their duty to follow the… Qu'ran and the Prophet." Also, it appears that Muslim women consider that the "source of any difficulties experienced today is not Islam and its traditions, but certain alien ideological intrusions on our societies, ignorance and distortion of the true Islam".

In conclusion, I think that there are definite cultural and social influences on a Muslim womans rights (such as the ideas of shame and dishonour) which are essentially the causes of many of the main problems identified by feminist reformers. However, it would also be naïve to completely disregard the religious influence on culture and society, and even the religious causes to problems such as polygamy. Nevertheless, Islam proves to be a powerful accelerant in the fostering of Muslim women's rights in the Arab world. The advantage of having knowledge of Islam and understanding a womans right included in it, is a recognised commodity which when utilised by Muslim feminists will, like the Egyptian women, achieve results.

References

Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam. Yale University Press. 1992.

Al Faruqi, L.L. Islamic Traditions and the Feminist Movement: Confrontation or Cooperation?

Engineer, A.A. The rights of women in Islam. C.Hurst & Co. 1992.

Farah, M. Marriage and Sexuality in Islam. University of Utah Press. 19984.

Gerami, S. Women and Fundamentalism. Garland Publishing Inc. 1996.

Mernissi, F. Women and Islam. Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1995.

Sabbah, F.A. Women in the Muslim Unconscious. Pergamon Press. 1984.

Stowasser, B. F. Women in the Qu'ran, Tradition and Interpretation. Oxford University Press. 1994.

Yamani, M. Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives. http://endjinn.soas.ac.uk/Centres/islamiclaw/Feminism_intro.html

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