Suu Kyi and the Future of Burma

by Richard S. Ehrlich

BANGKOK, Thailand — The release of the world's most famous political prisoner, Aung San Suu Kyi, from more than 18 months of house arrest will test her ability to oppose the military junta without a replay of the 1988 anti-government uprising which killed more than 1,000 Burmese.

Hundreds of jubilant supporters mobbed Ms. Suu Kyi on Monday (May 6) when she was allowed to visit her nearby opposition party headquarters.

"My release should not be looked at as a major breakthrough for democracy," she said.

"For all people in Burma to enjoy basic freedom, that would be the major breakthrough.

"I hope to be able to carry out all my duties for my party and my country in the best possible way," she added.

"We have been disappointed at the slow pace of release of political prisoners."

Asked when democracy would be established in Burma, she replied, "I hope not in too many more years." Ms. Suu Kyi, a 1991 Nobel Peace laureate, has said she will continue her non-violent struggle for democracy and her right to rule Southeast Asia's biggest country.

By releasing her, the military regime may be displaying confidence that they can go on ignoring her National League for Democracy (NLD) party's 1990 landslide election victory.

Suu Kyi, the Terrorist

In the past, the regime's media condemned her NLD as a "Nest of Loathsome Dictatorship" and claimed Ms. Suu Kyi belonged to a "terrorist murderous gang" backed by "spy organizations" and "corrupt diplomats."

While their adjectives mellowed in recent weeks, the regime was not expected to form a transitional government with Ms. Suu Kyi any time soon.

NLD officials, meanwhile, were hopeful they could rebuild their political network which was shattered during the past few years of repression by the regime.

The Washington-based Free Burma Coalition said in a statement it was "cautiously optimistic" about her Monday release.

Ms. Suu Kyi's reed-thin poise, British accent and elegant gestures evoke some of the gentleness and politeness of actress Audrey Hepburn.

The steely Ms. Suu Kyi's stage, however, was the confines of her home with a perimeter of troops carrying assault rifles at both ends of her blocked-off street.

While locked up, she defied the regime via smuggled audio and video cassettes and relayed e-mailed text to the world's media and international organizations.

Much of her political survival depended on efforts made by other world leaders, including the Dalai Lama and Nelson Mandela, plus international pro-democracy students who kept a spotlight on Burma, a country also known as Myanmar.

The Burmese army has indicated fresh elections could be held after their version of a new constitution is agreed upon. But Ms. Suu Kyi, 56, opposes their would-be constitution because its loopholes grant the military immunity from prosecution for a slew of alleged human rights violations.

Ms. Suu Kyi insists the military must honor her party's 1990 election win.

London-based Amnesty International, the U.S. State Department and other human rights monitors have documented the regime's many years of alleged extrajudicial killings and torture.

The Drug Angle

Forced labor and other violations resulted in the U.S. forbidding new investment in Burma, though Washington assists the junta when Rangoon claims to crack down on drugs.

Much of the world's heroin, opium and methedrine comes from Burma's lawless north where minority ethnic guerrillas supervise the manufacture and smuggling of the illicit powder, sap and pills.

If Ms. Suu Kyi ever does achieve power, she will have to deal with the guerrillas' demands for autonomy or independence.

Wealthy in natural resources, Burma is a virtual attic of bankruptcy, stunted life expectancy and antique infrastructure.

Ms. Suu Kyi was expected by some analysts to be pressured by the military to share responsibility for rehabilitating Burma's health and education system, but it was not immediately clear if that was part of any deal.

The military was described as unwilling to share real power with her now.

Ms. Suu Kyi was expected to soon travel around Burma to prove there are no limits on her movements and to personally meet supporters who suffered imprisonment and other harassment while she was detained.

But Ms. Suu Kyi has expressed fear that her presence could attract huge crowds and spark violence by frustrated pro-democracy activists or agent provocateurs inserted by the regime.

Her worry dates back to the August 8, 1988, "uprising" when more than 1,000 mostly unarmed protestors died trying to end Burma's military dictatorship and alleviate rice shortages.

The regime said it stopped violent "anarchy" during the 1988 riots.

The military then crushed public dissent but allowed a national election in May 1990.

When Ms. Suu Kyi's party won more than 80 percent of the contested parliament seats, the military balked and claimed the vote was merely to determine who could write a new constitution.

A showdown between Mrs. Suu Kyi and the junta over the fate of that new, unfinished constitution will be among her immediate challenges.

Burmese Way to Socialism

Burma achieved independence in 1948 and was hailed as one of Southeast Asia's richest nations and a top exporter of rice. In 1962, the military seized power and has since ruled the nation under various brutal regimes. General Ne Win, who is currently under suspicion for trying to stage a come-back coup along with some of his relatives, was Burma's first military ruler.

During his reign, he shoved the country into a "Burmese Way to Socialism," resulting in a nationalized economy, mass poverty and a ban on most foreign investment.

Burma's creaking economy tumbled in recent weeks, worsened by U.S.-led embargoes designed to pressure the military to step aside.

Burmese activists now suspect the regime released Ms. Suu Kyi to attract foreign investment and will not actually reform and allow democracy.

Ms. Suu Kyi disappeared under house arrest in September, 2000, shortly after she was forced to end a nine-day protest in which she and her colleagues camped out in their vehicles on the outskirts of Burma's capital, Rangoon.

The government blocked their attempt to visit party supporters and forcibly escorted her home.

Two years earlier, in a similar attempt, she remained in her car for 13 days, ultimately succumbing to the tropical heat, mosquitoes and ill health.

Previously, she languished under house arrest from 1989 to 1995, conducting politics while her telephone lines were cut.

When she was released in 1995, hundreds of people flocked to University Avenue where her two-story home rests in an expansive garden lapped by Rangoon's central Inya Lake. But no major political change occurred.

Ms. Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burma's assassinated independence leader, General Aung San, who was an ally with Japan during World War Two against British rule.

Her father is still revered as a national hero, with his portrait on display throughout Burma.


Richard S. Ehrlich has a Master's Degree in Journalism from Columbia University, and is the co-author of the classic book of epistolary history, "HELLO MY BIG BIG HONEY!" -- Love Letters to Bangkok Bar Girls and Their Revealing Interviews.

His web page is located at http://www.oocities.org/asia_correspondent and he may be reached by email: animists *at* yahoo dot com




from The Laissez Faire Electronic Times
Vol 1, No 13, May 13, 2002