Gaijin In Japan、外人、外国人、日本にいるの外人、Eddie Venz, Eddy Venz, Dan Venz, Edward Venz, Japan Foreigners and the Unspoken Contract

A "First of its kind" book about being a Gaijin in Japan!
Finally! Someone tells it like it is!
The most in depth book about foreigners living in Japan ever written!
Take off your "Rose Tinted" glasses before you start reading this book!

Gaijin In Japan

Chapter 5
The Enhancing Security Process

"Enhancing security" involves three distinct yet integrated processes that counter insecurity concerns. These are: a) placating, b) affirming, and c) challenging. The contexts and conditions under which each process plays itself out are different though their purpose remains the same; that is, to act as counter measures to content and emotive insecurity.

Placating tactics are, as the conceptual label would suggest, various strategies enacted to pacify the host population and limit the potential for a "threshold tolerance" breach. They are, for the most part, types of impression management that require degrees of ethnic-host interaction. Social identities tend to be emphasized and ethnic identity minimized in this exercise.

"Placating" occurs under the conditions set by the "unspoken contract". As such, content security may be obtained at the cost of emotive security. By contrast, "affirming" is a response to the demands of "placating". In "affirming", ethnic identity comes to the fore and little if any host-ethnic interaction occurs. Here, affirmative actions are taken by the ethnic community or individual to counter-balance the affects of discrimination.

Finally, challenging processes are the subtle and not so subtle forms in which non-Japanese make a claim for belonging, demand equality and assert an ethnic identity as a valid public identity. Imposed social identities are renounced. "Challenging" can be seen as the public act of affirming self and rejecting discrimination. De-stigmatization and normalization of being foreign are its demands. "Challenging" often transcends "placating", although they can work in unison.

It was discovered that foreigners in Japan go through stages of development and attempts at enhancing security. A foreigner new to Japan who has not yet learned the Japanese language and culture tends to use "challenging" the host population[Japanese]. As the foreigner becomes immersed into the Japanese language and culture, the tendency of the foreigner to "placate" the Japanese population [both publicly and privately] becomes stronger. As the length of time in Japan increases, the foreigner tends to continue to "placate" the Japanese population [publicly] while "affirming" [privately] his/her ethnic identity. As the foreigner's knowledge of the Japanese language and culture reaches near native ability and they become aware that "placating" and "affirming" have not reared them satisfactory benefits, foreigners tend to revert back to "challenging" the host population [Japanese].

It is this phase of the assimilation process which is the most important. At this point the foreigner comes to the realization that adhering to the "unspoken Contract" has reared them no "real" benefits within the Japanese society. They [the foreigner] become "self-aware" that the only way to assimilate fully into the host population [Japanese] is to make the "unspoken contract" null and void (as was mentioned earlier). The foreigner, at this point, understands that by continuing to "challenge" they [the foreigner] will either be successful in breaking the "unspoken contract", which will lead to a more rewarding life, or be labeled a troublemaker [by the Japanese] and run the risk of losing the social identity that he/she has created for him/herself up to that point.

It is at this juncture where most foreign subjects were forced to make the decision to leave Japan or to continue to live in Japan conceding to themselves that they will always be a member of a powerless minority. Those who chose to continue to live in Japan showed a tendency to rationalize their decision through "gaijin denial" (which was explained earlier in the "unspoken contract"). It is clear that the full circle of the assimilation process becomes apparent once this "gaijin denial" behavior surfaces. The foreigner shifts from "challenging" the Japanese population back to "placating" the Japanese population. In other words, conceding him/herself to the assigned status [by the Japanese]as a perpetual foreigner and a member of a powerless minority, while at the same time denying that he/she is a member of the foreign population by assigning him/herself an "almost Japanese" (also explained earlier in the "unspoken contract") status.

A small percentage of foreigners were able to go through the entire cycle of the assimilation process yet not adopt a "gaijin denial" attitude. Although rare, these individuals appeared to have come to terms with not being accepted into the host population [Japanese] but were capable of keeping their ethnic and self identity in tact. These individuals appeared to be the most emotionally stable of the foreigners that were encountered.

It was apparent, however, that these foreigners opted to continue challenging the Japanese population, in a less aggressive way, rather than return to the tactic of placating the Japanese population. Thus, these foreigners have been able to maintain, through careful challenging tactics, the social identity for themselves that they had created up to that point while not conceding that they are members of a powerless minority.

An Introduction to Placating

"In order to be an immaculate member of a flock of sheep, one must above all be a sheep oneself." Albert Einstein

Being a physically distinctive minority group, foreigner's public behavior can easily come under host scrutiny. This is especially true during negative shift phases, where a combination of social, political and economic changes may initiate a decline in tolerance. Foreigners are well aware of the unspoken contract and the fickle nature of host tolerance as these examples confirm;

John: "One of the most difficult situations for me to deal with in Japan is having to ignore, or sometimes even agree to irrational idea's or comments by Japanese people and mainly my wife's parents. I have learned to do this to avoid trouble not only with them, but with my wife as well. I have found that if I enter into a debate or do not agree with them I am seen as a foreigner who does not know enough about Japan. I will always lose in a disagreement with them by "gaijin" default. Usually this happens when the point I make is intelligent and impossible to argue. Then the almighty "you are not Japanese, so you don't understand" pops out of their mouth. It is easier just to think "fuck it" to myself and agree with their stupid opinions rather than waste my time and energy in a debate I cannot win and which will leave me feeling stressed out."

Carry: "I learned early on to say "so desu ne" [that is right] instead of "sona koto nai" [that is not right] when someone Japanese came out with a ridiculous comment or stereotype about people from my country. Something like "women from your country are sex addicts and are easy." Although I did not agree with that over exaggeration about women from my country, if I disagreed with the Japanese person, the mood of the conversation became very negative and condescending towards me. It got to the point where a Japanese person could have walked up to me and said, "hey I just found out that all foreign women actually have a penis", and I would have responded with "so desu ne", just to avoid a "no win" situation. I rationalized this by changing the way I thought about the phrase "so desu ne". I changed the meaning in my mind to mean "whatever." In this way, I could feel like I was pacifying a child instead of conversing with a retarded adult."

Robert: "My parents were conscious of the fact that I was half Japanese and had to present a better front. [And] we all had to put on our best behavior. Half kids never got into trouble, Half's never did this, Half's never did that, International children were more law-abiding."

David: "I think you'll find that, in terms of being good citizens, you don't find many local foreign people getting into trouble or anything like that. [Because] we're here as a minority. [There's] pressure on [us not to] get into trouble...we might get sent out of Japan."

Both immersed foreigners and children of mixed nationality in order to enhance (content) security, in this sense, can be seen to rely on a careful management of public image. Placating maneuvers are a series of impression management strategies, both deliberate and sometimes inadvertent, that are acted out for host viewing. The aim is to placate the host population by presenting non-threatening and sometimes stereotypical imagery. The ability to successfully manipulate one's public image can lead to a greater level of acceptance in Japan society, and ultimately an increased level of (content) security. The reverse is also true if the image manipulation is unsuccessful.

The arrival of large numbers of foreign migrants in the 1980s, which sparked a wave of anti-"gaijin" sentiment in Japan, has made salient many of the placating maneuvers immersed foreigners use. For immersed foreigners, the arrival of new foreign migrants initiated a fear that their "good" image may be destroyed, and with it, host tolerance as well.

New migrants are often unaware of the unspoken rules within their newly-adopted nation. Learning such rules requires time. The behavior of these new migrants was seen by established foreigners as "brash", "competitive" and "show-offy"; the exact opposite image to that constructed by established foreigners. Thus, although many established foreigners welcomed the growing number of foreign workers into Japan, one concern was in terms of image. It was also a concern that many of the new foreigners were not planning on staying in Japan long-term and therefore would not be very interested in what type of image they portrayed to the Japanese population. An image which could add to the already negative stereotypes that many members of the Japanese population have towards foreigners.

Dan: What kind of advantages or disadvantages do you think newly immigrated foreigners and short-term foreigners create for you and other immersed foreigners?

Jeff: "I think that it's good, in a way. So long as they don't bring in the wrong elements. 'Cos, if they start bringing the wrong elements in, you know like the dealers, which I believe a lot of Iranians are, then it gives [all] "gaijin" a bad name. At the moment it's been pretty good I think. Because the foreigners over the last 15 to 20 years [have been] very well-respected by the Japanese. What I'm scared of, worried about, is...these unruly elements. Possibly from the likes of Pakistan or India, you know. They're the sharky ones. They can ruin the image of foreigners, that's what I'm scared of."

Matt: "I hate it. I busted my ass to learn the Japanese language and culture and they [new foreign immigrants] come over here and can't speak any Japanese. They complain about everything, yet they don't even know enough about Japan to really complain yet. They just want to get drunk and get laid. They take jobs but don't take the job seriously. It is like they are just on an extended vacation. It ruins it for foreigners [like me] who are not here just fuck around but are really trying to make a life for ourselves. The salaries keep going down and we [immersed foreigners] are treated disrespectfully simply because we are foreigners too."

It can be stated that the use of placating strategies varies, as does one's awareness of the placating exercise. Placating is present, however, in both negative and positive shift periods, but becomes more relevant and necessary during a negative shift. Awareness of placating is often the result of perceived growing intolerance.

During more tolerant periods placating becomes "background" and foreign awareness of it is lessened. It becomes a subconscious behavior of sorts. What is apparent is that placating sparks a distinct contrast between the private and public worlds of foreigners.

In more general terms, placating is the presentation by foreigners of the unspoken contract. For the most part, this presentation comes in the form of assimilative displays. Foreigners "play" at assimilating because assimilation is most often perceived as the most desirable outcome by the host population.

The presentation of assimilation amongst visible ethnic foreigners is particularly acute because of their perceived inability to assimilate. Also, although assimilation is the crux of placating, there are exceptions. To discover these exceptions and the general assimilative display process, a closer look at placating is required.

Conceptually, placating displays can be grouped under five general categories. Placating, thus, occurs by a) showing commitment, b) blending in, c) distancing, d) role play, and e) creating understanding. Each display is utilized in different situations; they range from more general tactics to ones involving a high degree of interaction. The aim, however, remains the same: to enhance content security through pacification of the host population. As we progress through the ordering, the skill levels of the actors must increase.

It can be said that few if any interacting skills are required in displays of commitment, but a high degree of skill is required in creating understanding. In the latter case, the actor must have in depth knowledge of the surrounding society, the unspoken contract and all the unwritten rules that govern acceptable foreigner behavior. Also, the differing types of placating can often be seen to merge into one another. This aspect of "merging" is further accencuated by the fact that in reality they seldom occur in isolation, but rather, groups of placating strategies operate simultaneously. This adds to the effectiveness of the placating exercise. A look at each of the placating categories (and a breakdown of each category) identified above follows in the next chapter.

Go on to Chapter 6