Hutchinson Family Singers Web Site
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Asa and a partner secured title to the Joanna C. Hutchinson claim at Lime Creek in Pitkin County and he invested in other areas, apparently with no greater success than the typical speculator. Then, with so much of his money in Colorado mining operations, Asa may have felt threatened by labor unrest among the mine workers, which showed itself just as he got back from Lynn.
On May 26, a strike began at Leadville. By evening, it was estimated that
"At noon yesterday," according to one news report, "the mine managers and superintendents held a meeting, and, acting largely under instructions from New-York, resolved positively not to accede to the strikers' demands. Yesterday morning a large body of miners attempted to drive away the guards at the Chrysolite Mine, in order that they might get possession of the pumps, and, by stopping them, allow the water to flood the
Breastworks were erected in front of the Chrysolite and Little Chief mines and the main buildings were fortified. Unknown parties responded to these military preparations with sniper fire at the guards. A stalemate between the mine owners, on the one hand, and the Miners', Mechanics' and Laborers' Protective Association, on the other, seems to have followed.
On June 11, local authorities and business people agreed to close commercial establishments at
On June 14, Provost Marshall J. L. Pritchard ordered the closing of all saloons and dance halls until further notice. He declared it unlawful for citizens to gather to discuss issues related to the strike and for anyone, other than members of the militia, to carry weapons. Only militia members and mine foremen were permitted on the streets after
"Asa and a partner secured title to the Joanna C. Hutchinson claim": Philip D. Jordan, Singin' Yankees (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1946), 251.
Since Professor Jordan began his research, Asa's mining records have been separated from other collected papers.
"On May 26, a strike began at Leadville. By evening": "Movements of Strikers," New York Times, May 28, 1880, p. 2 col. 7.
For extensive coverage of the Leadville strike of 1880 and the period of martial law, see Don L. Griswold and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County, Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, 2 vols. (S.l.: Colorado Historical Society in Cooperation with the University Press of Colorado, 1996), 1:572-633.
A later Leadville strike has been researched and reported far more extensively than this one. The Griswold and Griswold book has since done a terrific job of making a very large amount of information about the 1880 Leadville miner's strike widely available to scholars.
"At noon yesterday, according to one news report": "Strikers and Their Work," New York Times, May 30, 1880, p. 7 col. 5; originally published in the
The mines reached down below the level of the water table and had to be pumped to prevent flooding.
"On June 11, local authorities and business people agreed": "The Troublesome Leadville Strikers," New York Times, June 13, 1880, p. 7 cols 3-4.
According to the New York Times article cited in this note, the citizens' cavalry, which was armed with Winchester rifles and fixed bayonets, charged the strikers because the strikers were hooting at members of the citizens' organization. Hooting drew a military response, with all the intimidation involved when being run at by armed horsemen, yet the headline singled out the strikers as troublesome. Fortunately no hint of bias was allowed to creep into the reporting of this incident.
"He declared it unlawful for citizens to gather to discuss issues": "A Leadville dispatch to the Tribune says: Provost-Marshal
It would be interesting to know the full name of "Clark," one of the editors of the Leadville mineworkers' publication, The Crisis. Hutchinson family friend James G. Clark was in Leadville (back in Leadville?) not long after this. Clark was, among much else, a journalist; and he was known to support the cause of labor. This, of course, is not to overlook the fact that Clark is a very common name.
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Anyone without visible means of support, according to Dennett, was rounded up and marched by his father into a "Bull Pen." There they were examined; and those who were found guilty were taken to the city limits and told to "Get out and stay out." "This morning," said a published source, speaking of Asa, "I saw him with fixed bayonet and musket at right shoulder marching down the street, escorting a half dozen law-breakers to the guard house."
In 1940, mindful of a war that was raging in Europe, Oliver Dennett Hutchinson wrote a letter to his daughter Bess which focused on his own military history. He recalled his mother's brother, Seth C. Chace, marching off to take part in the Civil War; and he spoke of becoming, at that time, a "militant youngster." He thought back further to being in Lawrence, Kansas, the day after it was sacked.
A few years after moving to Minnesota, Dennett organized the first state militia company in Hutchinson, while Asa served as bondsman for that outfit. Dennett was a student during fall, winter, and spring school terms at the Red Wing Collegiate Institute, where an officer of the United States Army was in charge and where Dennett enjoyed receiving military training. He spoke of the 1880 Leadville strike as the next event in his military experience.
Labor agitators, who were not affiliated with any union as Dennett understood it, came to Leadville. A strike followed. Asa and Dennett attended a meeting which was called by leading citizens of Leadville. During this gathering, news arrived that shaft houses on the outskirts of town were being set on fire; and the Hutchinsons were among the first to respond to the Lake County sheriff's call for a volunteer posse.
The next day, martial law was imposed. Dennett, who had been sworn in to the state militia, was among the few who had been issued army equipment. So he was among the leaders of a parade which had been organized as a show of opposition to the strike. Many of those who followed carried such implements as pitchforks and ax handles.
A crowd which was sympathetic to the strike was ordered at least twice to disperse. At the start of the anti-strike parade, members of the militia with rifles were ordered to load and to fix bayonets. After the second call for the crowd to disperse, horsemen rode up and down the avenue, thus clearing the street of people. Evidently the point was, Get out of the street or risk being trampled. Next, a gunshot was said to be heard. It was then that strikers - and maybe others who supported the strike - without visible means of support were marched to the bull pen and put on trial. While Asa was busy there, it was learned that Dennett had some military training. So, he became a drill sergeant. Later, the governor appointed him to the rank of major in the state militia.
"Anyone without visible means of support, according to Dennett": Oliver Dennett Hutchinson to Elizabeth Hutchinson Fournie,
"This morning, said a published source, speaking of Asa": "You doubtless remember Asa Hutchinson," s.l.: s.n., n.d., in Item 55r, Ludlow Patton's Hutchinson Family Scrapbook, Wadleigh Memorial Library, Milford, New Hampshire. Notice the journalist's use of the strike-opponents' term, "law-breaker," to describe strikers and supporters of the strike.
"In 1940, mindful of a war that was raging in Europe": Oliver Dennett Hutchinson to Elizabeth Hutchinson Fournie, Rugby, North Dakota, April 27, 1940. This typewritten letter is privately held by Dennett's descendants. It is eleven pages in length, double-spaced, in elite type. It is very helpful in many respects, as it adds much to our knowledge of the Tribe of Asa. As regards the 1880 Leadville miners' strike, the letter presents this incident as Dennett and, we would imagine, his father experienced and understood it.
Hutchinson Family biographer Carol Brink, who used Dennett's April 27, 1940, letter to his daughter as a main reference, thought Dennett saw the Leadville strike and the part he played in the militia mostly as an adventure and not without its moments of fun. See Carol Brink, Harps in the Wind: The Story of the Singing Hutchinsons (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 267. Clearly Dennett saw the events surrounding the miners' strike as mostly involving questions of law and order, not of workers' rights or First Amendment rights for that matter; and clearly he saw this as a military campaign.
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This complex incident is quite troubling - from the immediate, military-style reaction to the strike, followed by the suppression of the right of free speech and assembly, on the one hand, to sniper fire at guards, shaft houses being torched, and the attempt to flood mines, on the other.
The people of Leadville who were caught between the main parties to this strike must have been under tremendous pressure. If the biggest investors were to shut down operations, as had been rumored and threatened, the life's work of local merchants, real estate investors, other business people, and possibly even many homeowners could become practically worthless overnight.
Asa had invested in Leadville mines and real estate, and his associates included many of the city's business leaders. He was friends with managers of large mines, such as the Chrysolite, and he seems to have accepted the characterization of the Leadville strikers and strike supporters as "law breakers" and the characterization of those who opposed the strike as "citizens." And with the imposition of martial law came the closing of saloons, striking a blow locally against King Alcohol.
Lewis Campbell was a leader of a company of forty men who struck out for Santa Fé in the spring of 1880 to prospect for mines and acquire lands. This enterprise was funded for six months and would continue if successful.
The Campbells sold their household effects, taking only the essentials. The wives of the company's officers set up housekeeping in their adobes, while the men went out to seek their fortunes. But when the president of the company came back to Santa Fé on business, he said it looked like the operation would fold. It had quickly turned from promising to disappointing. And as was often the case, John sent money to his daughter's family.
On the first day of 1881, John started on a singing trip with Walter Kittredge. Then on March 4, in company with Abby and Ludlow, he attended the inauguration of President Garfield. That summer, John opened a café in Stone Cottage, placing Henry in charge. The family sang often on behalf of temperance.
John got a message saying if he wanted to see David alive, he must hurry to Milford. Late that evening, he reached the village hotel. Standing on the piazza, he saw a wagon coming. David was driving. John rushed over and said, "David, I came to bury you." "Get right in here," said his oldest brother cheerfully.
"Asa had invested in Leadville mines and real estate": Carol Brink and Griswold and Griswold thought it was out of character for Asa to oppose this strike. See Carol Brink, Harps in the Wind: The Story of the Singing Hutchinsons (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 267-268; Don L. Griswold and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County, Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, 2 vols. (S.l.: Colorado Historical Society in Cooperation with the University Press of Colorado, 1996), 1:572-633. Brink, in particular, presented this incident as a serious psychological crisis for Asa. But no commonly-known contemporary sources show signs of self-doubt or second thoughts on his part.
Records exist of Joshua, Jesse, and John singing for labor organizations, and some of those records are noted in the documentation in this work. John persistently sang in support of laborers and their organizations. One of his friends, the Rev. Jesse H. Jones, composed the music for "Eight Hours," the most popular American labor song of its time. "Eight Hours," of course, was written and sung in support of the eight-hour work day - a key demand of the Leadville strikers. A few of Joshua's songs and particularly the frequency of their appearance in his programs are highly suggestive that his views on labor questions may have been similar to John's.
Though it is common enough for observers to say the Hutchinson Family thought this, that, or the other thing, each of the Hutchinsons was quite able to form his or her own opinions. Evidently Asa's views on the labor question differed a good deal from those of some of his brothers.
Ironically, the closing of the saloons brought many who chronically drank to excess - and who wished to return to their saloon-hopping ways - into the ranks of strike opponents. Evidently they were promoted, for the moment, from the status of weak-willed besotter to that of "citizen."
"The Campbells sold their household effects, taking only the essentials": Viola Hutchinson Campbell, Memories of a Busy Life (Plymouth, MA: privately printed
One of the most striking things about mining in these years is the variety of people with neither training nor experience and evidently with a good deal less than optimal funding who thought, nonetheless, that they could jump right in and pull a fortune out of the ground. The head of Lewis Campbell's company was his family's physician.
Ludlow Patton, by contrast, invested in mines, in various parts of the western United States, which he then leased to professional mine operators. At least one of Ludlow's mining properties remained in Hutchinson family hands and was restored to profitable operations in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
"It had quickly turned from promising to disappointing": "Not Insane," Boston Daily Globe, July 26, 1900, p. 12 cols. 7-8.
"On the first day of 1881, John started on a singing trip": John Wallace Hutchinson, Story of the Hutchinsons (Tribe of Jesse), 2 vols. (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1896), 2:101-102. "Third and Last Grand Temperance Meeting," July 31,
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On Monday, August 29, 1881, David Hutchinson died. Joshua spoke of him as having "a remarkable executive talent;" and the Farmers' Cabinet said he was "a well-to-do farmer, of indomitable will." Brother David made his presence felt, and no doubt his influence was great on his brothers and sisters.
David was buried in the lot on North River Road in Milford on the following Monday - a beautiful autumn day. Joshua's health must have been considerably improved, for he joined John, Abby, and Ludlow, singing "No Tear in Heaven" and "The Shining Shore."
Years ago the other brothers and sister - but not David - released their interest in the Milford homestead to Rhoda. Late in life, he said, "Rhoda, all things will be well when I go away." In his will, David released his interest to his sister.
On Sunday, September 18, 1881, Rhoda died, having suffered for a long time with a spinal ailment. "Possessing a high contralto," said Joshua, "and a good physical constitution, her voice was strong and melodious, having a flexibility most rare. Ever when in health was she singing while at her household duties, and the voices of Mother and Rhoda were blended in sweet duets, resounding through the old
Rhoda Gray was buried at the North River Road cemetery on the following Tuesday. "The same quartet," said John, "sang the same songs at her funeral."
Joshua said that "physicians and others had pronounced
That fall, John led a seven-member troupe that toured as far as Bangor, Maine.
"Joshua spoke of him as having a remarkable executive talent": Joshua Hutchinson, A Brief Narrative of the Hutchinson Family (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1874), 13-14; "Death of Another of the Hutchinson Family," Amherst, NH, Farmers' Cabinet, September 23, 1881, p. 3 col. 3. That David Hutchinson personally took a farm wagon into Milford village for repair after it became apparent to the people around him that he was dying may be the only example needed of his "indomitable will."
"Possessing a high contralto, said Joshua, and a good": Joshua Hutchinson, A Brief Narrative of the Hutchinson Family (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1874), 41.
"The same quartet, said John, sang the same songs": John W. Hutchinson (1896, 2:105). See also "Death of Another of the Hutchinson Family," Amherst, NH, Farmers' Cabinet, September 23, 1881, p. 3 col. 3.
The identity of the Hutchinson family was tremendously tied up with the family farm, and Sister Rhoda was a major force in making the North River Road homestead run.
Though Rhoda did not have a big family - she had two daughters - her branch still exerted a substantial influence on late Hutchinson family history, and her family owned and resided at the better known of the two Hutchinson family homesteads until 1947. The line of each of Rhoda's daughters has its own family historian.
"Joshua said that physicians and others had pronounced him": Joshua Hutchinson, "Rock Brake Compound," s.l.: s.n.,
"The celebrated and honored Hutchinson Family always give": P. T. Barnum to Charles Albert Shaw
The connection between P. T. Barnum and Charles Albert Shaw is beyond the scope of this project. Nonetheless, a search of the New York Times Archives turned up an article from just this time regarding a meeting involving Barnum which took place in the office of Charles A. Shaw.
"John's family sang quartets such as The Lord Is My Shepherd": "The Original Hutchinson Family 'Tribes of John and Jesse'," s.l.: s.n., n.d., in Item 73r, Ludlow Patton's Hutchinson Family Scrapbook, Wadleigh Memorial Library, Milford, New Hampshire.
David Hutchinson (1803-1881)
Rhoda Hutchinson Bartlett Gray (1819-1881)
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About this time, Dennett moved back to Hutchinson. He enjoyed the Leadville boomtown adventure; but by now it must have seemed that no one in the family would be making a fortune there. With Carrie Wescott, Alice Logan, a bass named Guise, and Nellie as accompanist, Dennett's troupe began singing its way across country, evidently with Asa traveling on ahead.
A history of Minnesota's McLeod County said, speaking of Dennett in 1881,
It was at this time that he tried farming at Hutchinson, and though it cannot be said that he achieved a pronounced success, he at least attracted universal attention to his efforts, his farm and cornfield becoming noted for the crooked corn rows, which people came miles to see. This method of planting was intentional on his part, as he had heard somewhere in polite society that more corn grew in crooked rows than in straight ones. He succeeded in proving to his own satisfaction that farming was not for him.
Asa's activities, following his return to Leadville in March 1881, included many social events and outings. On March 12, he was given a surprise birthday party, complete with music and dancing. After Asa told the story of his trip to the East, he added, "I was glad to return to my mountain home - the dearest place on earth to me." On May 13, members celebrated the first anniversary of the Apollo Club at its rooms on East 6th Street and at a banquet that followed. A local paper said Asa was largely responsible for making it the most popular music organization in the city.
By summer, Asa was joined by singer-songwriter James G. Clark. In July, he was visited by his daughter Abby and her son Sammy. On the 27th, they set out with a party to the Holy Cross region, looking for mining sites under the guidance of mediums. "Father Hutchinson's face and voice," said Clark, "were full of geniality and good cheer morning, noon and night." Twelve claims were located and the prospects were judged good, though no actual mineral was discovered. Most important is that the members of the party had fun together. They went home on August 5.
In the late summer and early fall, the marriage of Asa and Joanna came undone. They leased their house and split up, going back to their old homes. Joanna returned to Leadville around the middle of 1882 and began operating the family home on East 4th Street as the Hutchinson House, a boarding establishment. Then in December, she traveled to Minnesota to spend the winter with Asa. It seems this visit was a happy one. Apparently Joanna went on ahead and Asa left for Leadville in the spring.
"With Carrie Wescott, Alice Logan, a bass named Guise, and Nellie": Carol Brink, Harps in the Wind: The Story of the Singing Hutchinsons (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 268. This may be the trip mentioned in "Son of Man Who Founded Hutchinson to Celebrate Golden Wedding Tomorrow,"
According to Griswold and Griswold, a concert company led by Asa started singing its way to Denver in September 1880. See Don L. Griswold and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County, Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, 2 vols. (S.l.: Colorado Historical Society in Cooperation with the University Press of Colorado, 1996), 1:678. Evidently Dennett continued the tour without his father, who must have traveled on ahead. Asa spent much of the winter of 1880-1881 in Hutchinson, Minnesota, having left sometime in October 1880 and returning a little ahead of schedule the second week of March 1881.
"It was at this time that he tried farming at Hutchinson": Franklyn Curtiss-Wedge, ed., History of McLeod County, Minnesota (Chicago, Winona,
"After Asa told the story of his trip to the East, he added": "Father Hutchinson,"
"On May 13, members celebrated the first anniversary": "A Pioneer Departed," Leadville (CO) Democrat, December 3, 1884, p. 2 col. 3. See also "The Apollo Club," Leadville, CO: s.n., May 14, 1881, in Item 64r, Ludlow Patton's Hutchinson Family Scrapbook, Wadleigh Memorial Library, Milford, New Hampshire; Don L. Griswold and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County, Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, 2 vols. (S.l.: Colorado Historical Society in Cooperation with the University Press of Colorado, 1996), 1:790-791.
"Father Hutchinson's face and voice, said Clark, were full": James G. Clark, "Holy Cross," Leadville (CO) Herald, August 10, 1881.
"Twelve claims were located and the prospects were judged good": "Guided by Ghosts," Leadville (CO) Chronicle, August 5, 1881.
Though no doubt this trip was taken with light hearts, it is curious because of the dim view that Asa took toward spiritualism, e.g., John W. Hutchinson (1896, 1:274).
Little Sammy Anderson grew up to be an interesting fellow. See
"Joanna returned to Leadville around the middle of 1882": Some sources refer to Joanna's lodging establishment as Hotel Hutchinson or Hutchinson Hotel.
"Apparently Joanna went on ahead and Asa left for Leadville": We know Asa took his cello with him and that on his way he stopped to visit Brother Caleb's daughter, Susan Hutchinson Babbitt, who had sung and played guitar with the Tribe of Asa in the 1864-1865 concert season. For one reference, see "The few friends whose privilege it was,"
Back on December 30, 1882, Asa ran an ad offering to sell an assortment of farm equipment, animals, and produce. The last item in this ad was: "Hassan Farm to let for one year." Then he ran another ad, dated April 9, 1883, headed, "Must Go! 'Can't Stay Any Longer'," and declaring his need to return to Leadville. See "Must Go! 'Can't Stay Any Longer,'" Hutchinson, MN: s.n., n.d.
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Asa was back in Minnesota in the summer and fall of 1883. Probably he went, in part, to be with his daughter Abby, whose health was poor. Samuel G. Anderson had a new job in the nation's capital; and he and Abby, with Asa, left for there late in the year. Abby Anderson was to receive medical treatment, evidently at Washington.
The early days of 1883 were cheerless, as Brother Joshua's health grew worse again. On January 21, he died.
Many hearts throughout the land will be made sad [ said the Farmers' Cabinet ] by the announcement of the decease of Joshua Hutchinson, which took place at his home, Sunday last, at 4 p.m. He had for several years suffered from pulmonary disease, now rallying and partially recovering, then relapsing, until it did its fatal work, and took from earth a spirit that has been an inspiration and a joy to multitudes of weary, care-burdened hearts and homes.
"Joshua," said John, "was a clothier, carding, dyeing, and weaving wool into cloth fabrics." At one time he was a farmer; at another he was a storekeeper. Always he was a musician. His reputation as a performer rested mostly on his solo work. He sang in the old quartet when needed, and at times he was called on to serve as their agent. He sang in various other ensembles with his brothers and sisters, and he toured with Walter Kittredge and Judson's daughter Kate. "His voice," said Kate, "was very
Joshua taught the younger members of the family in his singing schools and in the church choir; and he encouraged their efforts, not unlike a proud parent. If not for Brother Joshua, it is doubtful that nineteenth-century Americans would have had the Hutchinson Family singers to entertain and inspire them; and it is unlikely that we would have their memory to amuse and intrigue us. It must have been with particular sadness that the Hutchinsons sang this song, so closely connected with Joshua:
Hark! what is that note, so mournful and slow, It sends on the winds the tidings of wo? It sounds like the knell of a spirit that's fled; It tells us, alas! a brother is dead. |
Joshua's funeral was held at Milford's Congregational Church on the 25th. John and Henry sang "The Lord Is My Shepherd," and they were joined by Abby, singing "No Night There." At the close of the service, the family sang "We Are Almost Home." Joshua Hutchinson was buried in the Union Street Cemetery at Milford, New Hampshire.
"Many hearts throughout the land will be made sad": "Milford Locals," Amherst, NH, Farmers' Cabinet, January 26, 1883 p. 3 col. 3.
"Joshua, said John, was a clothier, carding, dyeing, and weaving": John W. Hutchinson (1896, 1:13).
"His voice, said Kate, was very sweet. . . . He sang": Kate L. Birney, Milford, NH, May 4, 1904, in "Hutchinson Day," Milford (NH) Cabinet, May 12, 1904, p. 1 cols. 2-3, p. 7 cols. 2-3.
"If not for Brother Joshua, it is doubtful": Some of Joshua's bills from the 1850s contain an excerpt of a notice attributed to the Philadelphia Daily Register, including this passage: "Joshua Hutchinson, the founder of the 'Hutchinson Family,' as a band of singers, gives a concert this evening, in Rev. Mr. Moore's Church." For an example, see "This Evening!: Joshua Hutchinson of the 'Hutchinson Family,' Proposes To Give a Song and Ballad Entertainment, in This Place,"
"Joshua's funeral was held at Milford's Congregational Church": John W. Hutchinson (1896, 2:244).
Joshua Hutchinson (1811-1883)
Behold the day of promise comes, full of inspiration The blessed day by prophets sung for the healing of the nation Old midnight errors flee away, they soon will all be gone While heavenly angels seem to say the good time's coming on
The good time, the good time, the good time's coming on The good time, the good time, the good time's coming on |
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