An uprising began in Algeria in April, 2001.
Riots began after police murdered a high school boy on April 18 in Beni-Douala,
an area of Tizi Ouzou in the region of Kabylia about 70 miles east of Algiers.
Riots and demonstrations quickly spread to other villages in the region.
Rioters attacked police stations and troop detachments with stones, molotov
cocktails and burning tires, and set fire to police vehicles, government
offices and courts. Government attempts to quell the uprising failed. From the
beginning, the rebels showed an unwillingness to negotiate and refused all
representation. By the end of April, targets of collective rage broadened to
include tax offices, all sorts of government offices and the offices of
political parties. Rebels blockaded the main roads and looted government
buildings and other property of the rulers. The entire region of Kabylia was in
open insurrection. The state sent in its guard dogs to repress the revolt,
leading to open conflicts with deaths and injuries on both sides.
By the end of the first week of May, the
insurgent movement began to organize itself in village and neighborhood
assemblies (the aarch) that coordinated their activities through a system of
delegates who would be bound to a very interesting “code of honor”
a few months later. The only political movement that might have had a chance of
recuperating the revolt, the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) very quickly
showed its true colors by offering to aid the president of Algeria, Bouteflika,
in organizing a “democratic transition”.
The coordination of aarch has been organizing
demonstrations, general strikes, actions against the police and the elections.
By mid-June, the rebellion had spread beyond
the borders of Kabylia, and in Kabylia state control had been nearly completely
routed. Offices of the national police were thoroughly devastated, and the
police themselves were shunned. Because no one in the region would sell them
food and other needs, the government was forced to ship in supplies to them by
helicopter and heavily armed convoys.
At the end of June, the coordination of the
aarch refused to meet with a government representative, clearly expressing the
attitude of the insurgents. In mid-July the coordination of Tizi Ouzou adopted
the “code of honor” which required delegates to pledge themselves
“not to carry forward any activities or affairs that aim to create direct
or indirect links to power and its collaborators”, “not to use the movement
for partisan ends nor to drag it into electoral competitions or any other
possibility for the conquest of power”, “not to accept any
political appointments in the institutions of power” among other things.
This pledge was put to the test almost immediately when unionists and partisans
of the left tried to infiltrate the movement for their own ends. The failure of
this opportunistic attempt to hijack the movement was made evident during a
general strike on July 26, when demonstrators chanted: “Out with the
traitors! Out with the unions!”
Huge demonstrations continued. In mid-August,
the insurgents banned all officials from the Soummam valley. This was not just
due to a government celebration that was to occur there, but also because
government officials had begun to contact certain unidentified delegates of the
coordination who supported the idea of negotiation. Rather than weakening the
struggle this government ploy led the insurgents to ban all government
officials from Kabylia. The minister of the Mujaheedin had to cancel a trip to
Tizi Ouzou, and the minister of the interior was greeted with a rain of stones
when he came to install a new prefect.
At the beginning of October, the
government banned a demonstration that was intended to present a list of
demands called the Platform of El-Kseur to president Bouteflika. A massive
array of counter-insurgency detachments was used to block the demonstrators.
These demands mainly deal with relief of the immediate effects of government
repression against the uprising (end of judicial action against insurgents,
release of prisoners, etc.), but also include the demand for the immediate
departure of all police brigades from the region. The ban of this demonstration
provoked further conflicts between insurgents and the forces of order. On
October 11, the inter-regional coordination (of the aarch and other
self-organized assemblies and committees) decided that they would no longer
submit the demands of their Platform to any state representative, that the demands
were absolutely non-negotiable and that anyone who chose to accept dialogue
with the government would be banished from the movement. Disobedience was
total: taxes and utility bills are not paid, calls to military service are
ignored, the upcoming elections are refused.
On December 6, some self-styled
“delegates” claiming to represent the aarch planned to meet with
the head of government. In protest a general strike was called in Kabylia.
Sit-ins blockading police barracks turned into violent conflicts throughout the
region, some of which lasted for three days. Offices of the gas company, of
taxes and of the National Organization of the Mujaheedin were burned in
Amizour. In El Kseur, there were looting raids On a court and a judge’s
house.
The struggle continued throughout December and
January with protests and road blockades. It intensified when a delegation from
the aarch was arrested in front of the UN office in Algiers on February 7,
2002. On February 12, a general strike was called throughout Kabylia to protest
the reappearance of police on the streets. The entire region was shut down.
People assembled in front of the police barracks and there were conflicts.
At the end of February, president Bouteflika
announced that there would be elections on May 30. The movement responded by
confiscating and burning ballot boxes and administrative documents. At the
beginning of March it called for a boycott of the elections throughout Algeria.
Bouteflika tried to appease the rebels by
offering compromises which were refused and by moving police forces out of two
major cities, But he followed this with mass arrests of delegates of the aarch.
On March 25, security forces attacked a theater in Tizi Ouzou that was being
used as the office of the citizen coordination and 21 delegates were arrested.
After police searches many other delegates went into hiding. Soon conflicts
broke out. The government issued 400 arrest warrants against delegates, leading
to further demonstrations. Conflicts continued throughout April.
Despite government repression, the
anti-electoral campaign of the aarch went forward in May with calls to action,
marches and the destruction of ballot boxes. Students demanding the release of
prisoners greeted president Bouteflika with a rain of stones when he went to
the university of Algiers on May 20. The next day the students occupied the
university demanding the release of their comrades.
On May 30, election day, the entire region of
Kabylia had less than a 2% voter turn-out. People showed their preference for
direct action by barricading the streets, occupying the offices of the
prefectures and the municipalities, and strewing the public ways with the
remains of burned ballot boxes. A general strike paralyzed the region. There
were conflicts with the police and election offices were attacked and
destroyed. In the whole of Algeria, voter turnout was less than 50%, showing
that the refusal of elections had spread beyond the borders of Kabylia.
All through June, rebellion and social conflict
continued through out Algeria. On June 19, the government again tried to derail
the movement, authorizing movement prisoners to meet to discuss a proposal of a
government emissary arranged through the mediation of two supposed delegates.
The movement disowned these delegates, and the prisoners refused this
government ruse to pressure the movement into negotiation over the Platform of
El Kseur in exchange for the provisional release of those arrested. Instead the
prisoners issued a communiqué conforming their confidence in the
coordination and their unwillingness to negotiate the demands of their Platform
or their release and that of all the other prisoners.
By August, violent conflicts and an ultimatum
issued by the movement forced Bouteflika to pardon all the arrested delegates
of the aarch. Upon release, the delegates declared that the struggle would
continue.
In October another election was called. The
movement met it with a general strike and demonstrations. There were conflicts
with the police everywhere. Once again, about half of the eligible Algerians
boycotted the elections. In Kabylia, in spite of the participation of the FFS
in the elections, 90% of those eligible refused to participate in the
elections, and in the rest of Algeria 50% of those eligible did not vote.
Toward the end of October, the authorities
cracked down. Police raided various halls where assemblies and coordination
groups met and hundreds of insurgents and delegates were arrested. Some of the
imprisoned insurgents began a hunger strike in late November. This expanded in
December so that insurgents in prisons in Bugia, Tizi Ouzou and Bouira were
hunger-striking. Thirteen of the thirty-nine who started the hunger strike were
still fasting after forty-two days. They were placed in isolation to prevent
them from “infecting” the other prisoners with their spirit of
revolt. Throughout the hunger strike there were a number of demonstrations in
support of the prisoners, but many were severely repressed. The prisoners ended
their hunger strike on January 13 at the request of comrades and family. It is
hard to know where this will go from here. Repression has been intense, and it
seems the many people grow weary, but the problems that provoked the uprising
remain.
This insurrection is of great interest to
anarchists. There have been no leaders, no parties, no charismatic spokespeople
and no hierarchical or representative organizations of any sort behind it. It
has been self-organized by those in struggle in a horizontal way and with
specific guidelines to prevent the possibility of recuperation by parties,
unions, politicians or other unscrupulous individuals, and these guidelines
have been actively reinforced by those in struggle. The movement has remained
equally opposed to all of the contenders for power: the military, the
government, Islamic fundamentalists, the left and the unions. It managed to
keep police “quarantined” to their barracks for long periods of
time. It carried out two election boycotts. Once it even forced the government
to release arrested comrades. And it carried out the daily tasks of an ongoing
insurrectionary struggle. All through autonomous direct action. Now it is
undergoing intense repression, and solidarity is needed,
Here is a statement of solidarity issued by
some Italian comrades at the end of November:
“Insurgent Algerians,
“The struggle that you have been carrying
forward against all society’s rulers since April 2001 is an example for
us and for all the exploited. Your uninterrupted rebellion has shown that the
terrorism of the state and the integralist groups, allied for a decade in the
slaughter of the poor to the benefit of the rich, has not lessened your
ferocity. You have understood that faced with the infectious disease of military
dictatorship and the plague of Islamic fundamentalism, the only choice is open
revolt. In the union of two capitalisms, the liberal one that privatizes and
fires people in mass and the socialist-bureaucratic one that tortures and
kills, you have responded with the unity of a generalized struggle.
“We imagine what it means for a state and
its police to find themselves facing a mass of rebels whose posters warn:
‘You cannot kill us, we are already dead’ as occurred in June
2001.But we can barely imagine what it means for a region with a few million
inhabitants, like Kabylia, where the police are barricaded in their barracks,
‘quarantined’ by the insurgent population; in which elections are
deserted in mass, the ballot boxes ond the offices of political parties set on
fire; in which the city halls are deserted and boarded up.
“The politicians who sit in the
parliament with zero votes obtained have revealed the lie of representative
democracy and the arrogance of a power that is increasingly mafia-like to all.
You have managed to shatter the plans of anyone who tried to give your struggle
a regionalist or particularist image.
“The universal content of your demands
– such as that of the immediate and non-negotiable withdrawal of the
police – can no longer be hidden.
“The autonomy of your movement, organized
horizontally in the aarch (village assemblies), can only unite all the leaders
of Algerian society and their accomplices in other countries against you. A
revolt without leaders and without parties won’t even find favor among
the professionals of international solidarity who are deprived, in this case,
of charismatic figures or sub-commandantes to idealize. Up to now, you have
only been able to count on yourselves. And the repression presses hard, with
hundreds of deaths, thousands of injuries, people disabled for life, so many
missing, the torture and arrest of many delegates of the aarch and many
demonstrators. With prisoners on hunger strike and many insurgents forced to go
underground.
“Now the radicality of what you have
already done finds other accomplices in the world, in order to break the
information embargo and the murderous violence of the state. The bullets that
strike are also given by the Italian government and Italian industries, Eni in
the lead. The weapons that are used against your demonstrations are often of
Italian manufacture.
“COMRADES, YOU ARE NOT ALONE. MAY YOUR REVOLT EXPLODE
EVERYWHERE.
“Some friends of the Aarch”