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SEPTEMBER 20, 2001
NEWS ANALYSIS: The Roots of Resentment
BUSINESSWEEK
Beneath the international expressions of
sympathy and support is a growing reaction against American foreign policy
The entire world seemed to pause in
solidarity with American suffering in the hours and days following the Sept. 11
terrorist attacks on New York and Washington. With national flags flying at
half-mast from Paris to Tokyo and the revulsion and horror expressed by
millions around the globe, many Americans felt less alone in a suddenly
uncertain world. It even seemed as if the U.S. had no enemies at all -- apart
from a shadowy band of
Islamic radicals in distant lands.
Tap the pulse of the streets in many world
capitals, though, and it becomes clear the U.S. fan club is not as big as many
American citizens and policy makers want to believe. In France, politicians
from across the political spectrum rushed to support the U.S. in a way not seen
since World War II. But there also has been a rash of angry calls to the
popular Radio France Internationale. "What is so special about the
American dead?" asked one caller. "Millions have died in Africa, but
they never left messages on answering machines since they were too poor to have
cell phones."
Half a world away, Chinese Internet sites
were jammed with anti-U.S. vitriol before censors clamped down. When he heard
of the bombing, Beijing construction site supervisor Li Jiankun, 30, says he
felt sympathy for the American people but none for the U.S. government.
"They are constantly intervening in other countries' affairs," Li
says. "This is an opinion shared by all my co-workers." And in the
streets of Cairo, tour guide Abdel Hady Gaballah voices the sentiments of many:
"Everyone knows that America's policies lack justice," he says.
Varied voices, indeed. But they mirror an
unpleasant truth: Beneath the surface of public promises of solidarity with the
U.S. in this time of crisis lurks a deep and growing resentment of America and
its policies (see table below). To be sure, anti-Americanism in most places is
hardly the virulent variety exhibited by flag-burning mobs. And more often that
not, it's mixed with admiration and even a desire to live in America.
UNDERCURRENTS. But the sentiment is serious enough that it could pose major
challenges as President George W. Bush solicits worldwide support for a war on
terrorism. Across the 22 nations of the Arab world, strong anti-U.S.
undercurrents breed tolerance of terrorist networks like those of Osama bin
Laden. And as the U.S. fights back in the coming months, domestic opinion could
weaken the support in Europe, Central Asia, and moderate Mideast states for
sustained military action, especially if U.S. strikes kill Muslim civilians.
The causes of anti-Americanism differ from
region to region. And they reflect how much the world has changed since the end
of the cold war. American ideals inspired student protesters in Beijing at
Tiananmen Square in 1989. And in the early 1990s, the U.S. basked in glory
after driving the Iraqi army out of Kuwait. Throughout the collapsed Soviet
empire, the American way was viewed as the new model. Following the Oslo
accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993,
Washington was seen as an honest broker in the search for peace.
Canvas the global scene now. Begin with the
turbulent Middle East, where support for eventual U.S. actions will be vital.
It is the one region where anti-Americanism is now metastasizing out of
control. At its most extreme, groups such as bin Laden's Al Qaeda network or
the underground al Gamma al-Islamiyya, responsible for the murder of 58
tourists in Egypt in 1997, view America as the infidel power that is spreading its
permissive, secular culture, the Great Satan that pollutes the world with its
pornographic cinema, its alcohol, and its indulgence of women. America is also
seen as the prop for corrupt, secular Arab regimes, and of course, Israel. To
these radicals, it is imperative that Americans be violently driven out of Dar
al-Islam, the lands of Islam.
FERTILE GROUND. While only a tiny minority support terrorism, this stance strikes
a chord among vast segments in the Middle East. The decade-old intifada among
Palestinians has intensified smoldering resentment in moderate states such as
Egypt over massive U.S. support for
Israel. And while these nations backed the Persian Gulf War coalition against
Saddam Hussein, they're angry at years of U.S.-led sanctions against Iraq. One
sign: a Sept. 12 anti-U.S. demonstration in Kuwait itself. "The Arabs
sense they have been not only scorned by the U.S but considered somewhat less
than human," says political scientist Dan Tschirgi of American University
in Cairo.
The failure of key Muslim nations to benefit
from globalization has created a more fertile ground in which extreme ideas can
grow. While the U.S. boomed in the 1990s, Arab economies grew by a mere 0.7%
annually. Unchecked population growth has resulted in massive youth
unemployment. This has been coupled with a breakdown in social services.
Indeed, across huge swaths of Western and Northern Africa all the way to
Pakistan, Islamic institutions -- schools, welfare groups, even hospitals --
have been stepping in to fill the gaps. "You can see people switching
loyalties to an Islamic belief system as secular, liberal models fail for
them," says Mark Malloch Brown, head of the United Nations Development
Program.
The same trends are at work in the old Soviet
republics of Central Asia. Since 1990, the economies of Kyrgyzstan,
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan have shrunk dramatically. But a gush
of U.S. aid in the early 1990s has slowed because of frustration over the slow
pace of economic reform. "The social consequence is that you see an
unhappy population that is moving toward Islamic fundamentalism," says
Kathleen Collins, a University of Notre Dame researcher who has spent three
years in Central Asia.
SCHEMING.
Economic despair isn't the only ingredient for anti-Americanism. Take
China. It has prospered over the past decade. But according to popular
sentiment stoked by Beijing, the U.S. is scheming to keep China from becoming a
world power. Many Chinese resent U.S. support of Taiwan and its criticism of
Beijing's human-rights abuses. "The Chinese do not support violence
against America," says Gao Chaoqun, executive editor of Strategy &
Management, a Beijing-based policy journal. "They just resent the U.S.
hegemony."
Washington also cannot take the current front
of European solidarity for granted. In Russia, there is resentment over Bush's
plans to renounce missile control treaties and a feeling that the U.S. didn't
offer enough aid after showering it with capitalistic advice. Among the left in
Western Europe, the march of U.S. free-market policies and the abrogation of
the Kyoto global-warming treaty have sparked a globalization backlash. Members
of France's center-left coalition government also are starting to chime in.
"The reality is that American policy could only result in the kind of
terrorism we've just seen," says Green Partty member Noël Mamère.
For the past decade, a triumphant America has
been able to push its agenda without worrying too much about what everyone else
thought. That may well have to change if it wants the rest of the world's help
for the fight ahead.
TABLE: ANGER IN THE STREETS
China, May, 1999
U.S. Embassy attacked in Beijing after
accidental U.S. bombing
of Chinese Embassy in Serbia
Greece, November, 1999
Thousands of anti-U.S. protesters fight
Athens police and burn
shops as President Bill Clinton arrives
France, April, 2000
McDonald's employee dies in bombing of
restaurant in Dinan by
nationalists opposed to the U.S. chain
Yemen, October, 2000
Bomb kills 17 sailors on USS Cole after
anti-U.S. protests over
Israeli attacks on Palestinians
Iran, December, 2000
Marchers burn U.S. flags and chant
"Death to America" on
anniversay of 1980 takeover of U.S. Embassy
Canada, April, 2001
Thousands march in Quebec City as 34 heads of
state meet for
Summit of the Americas seeking freer regional
trade
New York, May, 2001
U.S. is voted off U.N. human-rights panel
Sweden, June, 2001
Outraged at Washington's refusal to sign the
Kyoto
global-warming accord, protesters in
Gothenburg clash with
police during George W. Bush's first Presidential
trip to Europe
Cuba, July, 2001
Some 1.2 million march in Havana as Fidel
Castro leads nation's
biggest anti-U.S. rally in four decades
South Africa, September, 2001
U.S. boycotts World Conference Against Racism
after it is
criticized for past slavery
Pakistan, September, 2001
Celebrations break out after the World Trade
Center and Pentagon
bombings
Data: BusinessWeek
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By John Rossant in Paris, with Pete Engardio
in New York, Dexter Roberts in Beijing, Susan Postlewaite in Cairo, and Paul
Starobin in Moscow
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