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A BRIEF HISTORY | ||
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A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE BORO
PEOPLE
CHAPTERSINTRODUCTIONORIGINPOPULATIONSOCIETY AND RELIGIONECONOMYPOLITICSREFERENCE
INTRODUCTIONThe Boro people are one of the indigenous ethno-linguistic
groups of present North Eastern India belonging to Indo-Mongoloid origin
of Tibeto-Burman language family. Though spread in different parts of this
region, as well as, in the neighbouring countries, majority of their
population is found in Assam. The Boro people form the largest indigenous
group in the present demography of the region. Linguistically the Garo,
the Dimasa, the Hajong, the Sonowal, the Deori, the Rabha, the Tiwa and
the Borok of Twipra (Tripura), and many other cognate tribes are part of
this great Boro race1.
ORIGIN
The Boro people are believed to be the migrants of Chinese origin by the scholars, and their language belonging to the Tibeto-Burman language family. G.A. Grierson in his The Linguistic Survey of India – 1903 has given a table of tribes which shows the inclusion of a large number of tribes to this language group of which the Boro and the Dimasa of Assam and the Boroks of Tripura are the major components2. The date of migration from their original abode, namely, Northwestern China, to this part of present India is debated and needs further research. However scholars agree that the Boro people settled in this region much before the Aryans3. The first mentioned king of Pragjyotishpur (ancient name of Assam) was Mairong Raja (Sansktitised as Mahiranga) of Asura Dynasty. Several kings of the Asura Dynasty ruled. The Asura kings and their subjects are none but the Boro. Then came the Kirata Dynasty. Narkhw (Narkasura) and Fogdonza (Bhagadatta) are two famous kings of this dynasty. The scholars have identified the ‘Kiratas’ of ancient Assam, who took part in the Mahabharata war, with the Boro4. Sanskrit literatures of the ‘Epic Era’ have immensely mentioned about the ‘Eastern Kiratas’. Particularly the Kingdom of Tripura has been mentioned as the ‘Kiratadesha’ of the North East, in the ancient time5. The Epics i. e., the Ramayana and the Mahabharata are supposed to be written between 2500 to 3000 BC. This proves that the Boro people had powerful kings and kingdoms even before 3000 BC in the eastern part of present India at the time while the Aryans were confined to the Indus valley. The extension of Aryan culture and their settlement in this region began only in the last part of the first century of Christian era. This itself amply speaks about the historicity of the Boro being the origins of this part of present India. From mythological to historical period hundreds of Boro kings ruled under different dynasties. The Asura Dynasty, the Kirata Dynasty, the Mlecha Dynasty, the Varman Dynasty, the Sala Stambha Dynasty, the Pralambha Dynasty, the Pala Dynasty, the Khena Dynasty, the Koch Dynasty, the Kachari Dynasty and the Borok or Tripuri Dynasty ruled before British came. Later on the British annexed their territories deceitfully. Even under British Empire Koch Bihar and Tripura remained as independent princely states. The princely states - the Koch Bihar and the Tripura were annexed forcibly by India on August 28, and October 15, 1949 respectively. They take pride in calling themselves as the Boro. They
identify themselves as the ‘Boro-phisa’, meaning Children of the Boro
race6. Bryan Hodgson, however,
for the first time, used the term ‘Bodo’ as the generic name for the
people of this language group7.
Thereafter, the authors of the later years have used this term
indiscriminately. Bryan Hodgson himself gave no reason for the use of the
term ‘Bodo’. This has consequently divided the historians over the use and
proximity of meaning of this terminology. One of the groups, spearheaded by
Rev. S. Endle, G A Grierson, J.D. Anderson and others argue that the exact
sound of the term is represented by spelling it ‘Bada’ or ‘Bara’8, or by “Boro or Bodo (the O has the
sound of English O in hot)”9.
That is, even if the letter ‘d’ is used, in place of ‘r’, a dot (.) has to
be put below it to produce the required sound. Raj Mohan Nath, on the
contrary, put forward a hypothetical theory by which he traces the origin
of the term Bodo, in the Tibetan word ‘Bod’, used for their country in the
ancient time10. Grierson writes
that in early days, the Tibetan called their country ‘Bodyut’, their
language ‘Bodskad’ and a Tibetan person, ‘Bodpa’11. E T Atkinson and John Bowl hold
the similar view. Their opinion attempts to suggest ‘Bod’ as the source of
the word ‘Bodpa’. Likewise, if the Boro migrated from the North- Western
China, which comprised the ancient Tibet known as ‘Bod’, they too might
have derived their name from the word ‘Bod’. The controversy over the nomenclature thus poses as a great challenge to the researchers. Under such situation, one may be logically inclined to accept the term that is still in use among the people. In this regard, E T Dalton has come closer to the truth when he observes that ‘Boro’ mean great people12. This may be examined in the light of the Boro saying, “Boro hari, geder hari” – Boro people, great people. In the closely allied Kok Borok (Tripuri language) too, ‘Borok’ means man (K being suffix used for every noun). Even in Boro language, the logical meaning of the term ‘Boro’ means man. It is therefore appropriate that the people of this group be known by the name they have coined for themselves, but not by a theorised superimposed term which has no use whatsoever among the Boro people. POPULATION
According to the census report of 1971, the population of the Boros was 6,10,45913. The Boro Socio-political organisations however do not accept this figure. They claim their population to be not less than 4 million in 1990. This discrepancy is believed to have crept in because of deliberate doctoring of some census officials. The census reports of the Government conducted every 10 years are believed to have presented the Hinduised Boros as Assamese (the Assamese, the dominant ethno-linguistic group of the province of Assam profess Hindu faith). This misclassification has reduced the Boro population in the official record by a big margin. It is to be noted that one of the census officials, connected with the census of 1881 observed, “the separation of Hindus as an ethnological class is open to objection that it includes a large number who are not Aryans”. He also observed that “the increase in Kamrup and Darrang is so great as to suggest the suspicion that a large number of Koch have turned themselves into Kalitas”14. The Koches are the Hinduised Boros and the Kalitas are one of the social castes of the Assamese community. This process of infringement has continued through successive census. As a result, the successive census reports give inconsistent figures of population of this people. For instance, in 1881, the Boro population (inclusive of all cognate tribes) was 8,94,885, while in 1891, it rose to 10,58,496, but it fell to 6,17,989 in 1901. In 1961, their population figured at 12,28,450, while in 1971, it fell to 6,10,45915. Such fluctuation in the population figure cannot be analysed by any natural law of demography. Thus the census reports of the Government of India, which ought to be the most authentic documents, have suffered from anomalies, and as such, they fail to give the exact population of the Boro. Under such circumstances, the population figures furnished by the Boro socio-political organizations appear more convincing. The present Boro population inclusive of all cognate groups is not less than 9.5 million.
SOCIETY AND
RELIGION
The Boro society is a patriarchal one, father being the
fountainhead, sole authority and the complete owner of the family
property. However, the mother and the other female members of the family
are not neglected. In fact, the patriarchal Boro Society is intrinsically
inter-woven with matriarchal traits in it. In the household concern, the
mother has no complete control that the father or the husband has.
Sometimes this lineage may further be testified by at least two types of
marriages, in which, the man comes to live with the woman in her
establishment is called ‘Gwrjia’ in Boro language. In other words, the
Boro society is egalitarian in character so far as sharing of properties;
access to education and other developmental opportunities are
concerned. The Boro society is divided into a number of ‘Maharis’ or
clans based on totemism. According to traditions, originally, there had
been as many as twelve ‘Maharis’ or Clans in the Boro society. These
twelve clans still exist. These are Basumataroi, Mosaharoi, Daimaroi,
Borgoaroi, Hajoaroi, Narjaroi, Kerkataroi, Khakhlaroi, Ramchiaroi,
Sorgoaroi, Sampramaroi and Laharoi16. The Boro clan system
appears to have emerged from the profession they were attached to. For
instance, the ‘Sorgowarois’ were the priestly group of people who devoted
themselves to priestly activities. The ‘Basumatarois’ were the lords. The
‘Mosaharoirs’ engaged themselves in hunting whereas the ‘Daimarois’ in
fishing, ets.17. However, in the present day Boro Society,
those clannish titles signify only the surname of a group of people. The
members of the clans no longer engage themselves in those professions of
ancient times. The clan system otherwise had no other implication on their
inter-marriage, inter-dining and other social activities. The opinion of the European writers that the religion of the
Boro people was animistic18 is too generalised a concept. In
that case, at the dawn of civilisation, religion of every ethnic group was
animistic. Religious philosophy developed corresponding with the progress
of the civilisation, so was the case with the Boro people.The Boro people
have their own concept of creation. According to their concept, before the
creation of Universe, there was simply a great void, in which, the Supreme
Being ‘Aham Guru’, Anan Binan Gosai or Obonglaori,
existed formlessly. The supreme God Aham Guru became tired of
living a formless existence and desired to live in flesh and blood. He
descended on this great void with all human characteristics. Thereafter,
he created the Universe19. Aham Guru at his first
appearance in this universe in the form of a man called himself ‘Sri
Borai’, ‘Jiw Borai’ or ‘Siw Borai’. He then created his consort ‘Sri
Buroi’, and then created ‘Dari Muba’ and ‘Singri Coba’, a couple for the
propagation of the human population on the earth20. ‘Jiw Borai’
or ‘Siw Borai’ is also popularly known as the ‘Bathou Borai’ among the
Boro people. ‘Bathou Borai’ is thus their supreme god, and the religion
they follow is known as ‘Bathouism’, after the name of their god. Besides,
there are number minor gods who function under the umbrella of ‘Bathou
Borai’. They are broadly divided into household gods and village gods. The
household gods are worshipped in the homestead, while the later by the
whole village collectively outside in a selected place called
‘Thansali’. Bathouism is based on five moral and spiritual messages,
namely (i) messages on holy realisation, (ii) messages on holy practice
(iii) messages on love (iv) messages on truth and (v) messages on hatred.
The messages of holy realization includes of Bathou as the supreme God. The realization of one’s own soul is the part of Bathou
and realization of the need of good in this world. The message on holy
practice emphasis’s on meditation for God, conversation on religion and
spiritual matters charitable donations to the poor. The message on love
includes love for God, love for fellow being, love for family and love for
all living beings. The messages on truth emphasises on leading a truthful
life and the messages on hatred urges one to abstain from committing sins
like stealing, telling lies, adultery, murder and association with bad
company. 21 Bathouism has thus a religious philosophy, which defines the
basic of a religion, and it is therefore far from being
animistic. The Boro society and religion have undergone assimilation
and changes through several centuries, particularly with the advent of the
Aryan culture in the 7th century A.D. to the present eastern
India. The Boro conversion to Aryan culture started from the rule of the
Varman dynasty. The Boro kings first converted themselves into
Hinduism.22 Then followed the conversion of the masses which
was followed by subsequent assimilation of the converts into Indo-Aryan
fold through the ladder of caste hierarchy. The process of assimilation though may not be harmful, is
not often beneficial. In the context of India, assimilation invariably
means Aryanisation and in Assam it meant transformation of the Boro
converts into Assamese speaking Hindus. Conversion into Hinduism and
subsequent assimilation had manifold negative effects on the Boro society.
The most immediate was the disintegration of the Boro people into a number
of social castes like – Koch, Sarania, Sonowal, Rabha, Deuri
etc.23 In the Hindu social hierarchy, the Koch occupied highest
position among the Boro converts and the rest are at the first stage of
the conversion. Unfortunately the Boro convert could not rise higher in
the Hindu caste ladder nor they could go back to their original fold. As a
result, in the later years they declared themselves to be separate
communities independent of the Boro. This fragmentation reduced the Boro
population drastically. The process of conversion continued with
remarkable momentum during the colonial rule even an eye catcher of the
British officials, who conducted first census in 1881. The census report
of 1881 showed three categories of tribals in Assam plains. They were
tribal influenced by Hinduism numbering 3,23,303, tribal in process of
conversion numbering 82,889 and tribals wholly converted figuring
3,95,902.24 When conversion greatly reduced the Boro population, it on the contrary helped the Assamese to increase their population by adding the Boro converts into their fold. This is evident from the fact that the Hinduised Boro people were presented as the member of the Assamese community in the successive census reports. The census report of 1881 shows as comparative population growth rate for the period of 1872-81. The report exhibits a sudden rise in the Assamese population showing consequent fall in the Boro population.25 Such presentation of the Boro population had great disadvantage for this nation particularly in the field of politics. ECONOMY
Ninety nine per cent of the Boro population lives in the
countryside villages and therefore agriculture is the mainstay of their
economy. The plot of land they hold is indispensable to them for their
livelihood. Though capitalism have been flourishing in India since
the time of the British rule the Boro people failed
to detach themselves from the Asiatic mode of production, nor they could
adapt themselves to the new system of economy. As a result, they remained
dependent on the plot of land they held. The Boro populated area covering almost all the districts of
the Himalayan foothill of the
Bengal and Assam are immensely endowed with natural resources. It
has vast forest area and water resources that can be tapped for
electricity, irrigation, fishing and other possibilities. Majority of the
tea estates is located in Boro area. They are about 400 in number.
26 And its number is growing fast as in recent years many new
plantations have taken place. Besides, the land in the Himalayan foothills
is suited for rubber plantations. The experimental rubber plantations have
shown good progress though large-scale plantation and government
initiative are yet to be seen. The landmass inhabited by the Boro people
is fertile and capable of producing all kinds of crops. The productivity
can be increased manifold with application of scientific
methodology. Since the last part of the 19th century the Boro
people have however been facing the problem of land alienation in alarming
magnitude. Large-scale migration from East Bengal (Erstwhile East
Pakistan, now Bangladesh), Nepal as well as from the mainland India and
their settlement in Boro areas has adversely affected the economy of the
Boro people. The migration of the outsiders has changed not only the
demography of the region but also dislocated socio-economic and political
scenario. In addition the non-tribal traders, businessmen and moneylenders
grabbed large areas of land of the Boro people exploiting their honesty
and simplicity. The problem of land alienation assumed an alarming
proportion within a few years. Soon, protection of tribal land from the
outsiders became an important matter for the Boro and other plain
tribals. The Tribal League, the lone political party of the Plain
tribals of Assam, in which the Boro were dominant group, took the matter
to the floor of the state Assembly. In its attempt to protect tribal land,
the Tribal League had an agreement with Muslim League in 1939 wherein the
latter agreed to accept the tribal demand for the line system in return to
their support to Muslim League in formation of a coalition government of
Assam.27
The Muslim League leader Md. Sadulla who became the
Chief Minister of Assam with the support of the Tribal League not only
miserably failed to fulfill his commitment but also brought large number
of Muslim migrants from East Bengal to settle in the Boro areas on the
pretext of increasing the agricultural production of Assam. The Tribal
League had to change the side and made another breakthrough in 1946 when
it concluded an agreement with the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee and
succeeded in getting certain provision of Chapter-X of Assam Land and
Revenue Regulation Act 1886 amended. The amended Act was passed by the
Assam Assembly in 1947 and it received the assent of the governor in the
same year.28 According to the provisions of this Act as many as
33 Tribal Belts and Blocks covering 5,704 sq. miles were created.29
The Act prohibited possession and transfer of lands within tribal
belts and blocks by the outsiders including the non-tribal bonafide
Indians. The idea of protecting the tribal lands by creating tribal
belts and blocks was noble. But the state government did not enforce the
act in its letter and spirit. On the contrary they encouraged the
migration and thereby created their vote banks. As a result, large-scale land alienation continued unabated
under the successive state governments. Most of the tribal lands have gone
into the hands of the non-tribals. The government itself from time to time
de-constituted many of the
Tribal Belts and Blocks for different purposes. According to records
available as much as 80sq. km areas of Tribal Belts and Blocks have been
de-constituted so far by the Assam government. 30 Besides
allowing the illegal migrants the government has also given large area of
tribal land for the purpose of industrial establishments, military
cantonments, and government offices and to the non-tribal bonafide for
settlement. De-constitution of Tribal
Belts and Blocks, encroached by the illegal migrants and non-tribal
Indians deprived the tribals of their land, which was their only means of
subsistence. The settlement of the outsiders within the Belts and Blocks
has been a fatal blow to the economy of the Boro people. Many have fallen
prey into the hands of the non-tribal businessmen and moneylenders to whom
they lost their land compelling them to lead a life of daily wage
earners. The encroachment not only devastatingly affected the socio-political life of the Boro people but it brought a sudden change in the demography. In many places the encroachers outnumbered the Boro population. In such case they have been turned into ineffective minority exploited, discriminated, dominated and despised by the outsiders. POLITICS
After North Kachar and Jaolia Dewan’s kingdoms were annexed
to the British Empire in 1854 and 1867 respectively the Boro people kept
hibernated themselves from politics, till the last part of 19th
century. The reason behind such a long lull of the Boro people in politics
is not known. The 1920s is considered as the Renaissance period of the
Boro nation during which many hectic and tumultuous activities took place
among the Boro people. Awakening of nationalism and its subsequent
revivalism and social reformation took place in violent form. Many Boro
converts reconverted to Bathouism and returned to their original fold. A
strong sentiment of nationalism grew in the minds of the Boro people that
gave birth to the organizations like – the Kachari Jubok Sanmiloni and the
Boro Jubok Sonmiloni. These two organizations submitted a memorandum to
the visiting Simon Commission (1928-29) demanding recognition as distinct
and independent society as separate from the Hindu society, the people be
identified as the Boro in the Census Report of British India and a
separate Boro Regiment in military service of British India government.
The memorandum though was not implemented by the British government is
perhaps the first and the most important written document of the Boro
nation in their modern history, which has a strong political message down
through its tone. So to say that was the starting point of Boro politics.
Then the Tribal League was formed in 1933 comprising the Boro and other
plains tribals of Assam. The Boro politics found another lease of life
when the British India passed
India Act 1935,
embodied in it the provision for reserved seats for the plains tribals in
the Provincial Assembly, proportionate to their population. In 1937
election, a few Boro leaders were elected from the reserved seats to the
Provincial Assembly of Assam as the candidates of their lone political party - The Tribal League. They extended
support to the Muslim League in forming a coalition government in Assam in
1940. In 1946 they again took side with the Assam Pradesh Congress to form
a coalition government. Despite their demands and struggle the Tribal
League failed to get their demand for a scheduled area (for the protection
of tribal lands) from the Congress partner. The Boro representatives in
the convention of the Assam Tribes and Races Federation held from the
21st to 23rd March 1947, in Khashi National Durbar
Hall of Shillong, opposed the inclusion of Assam proper with its hills
into the proposed division of India into Pakistan or Hindustan. They
demanded that Assam proper should be constituted into a free and sovereign
state. The representative also vehemently opposed the migration or
civilian aggression into their land from the neighbouring provinces of
British India. Boroland along with the present Northeast had never been a
part of India. Ethno-Culturally the indigenous people of the entire region
are totally different from the Indians. The demand of the Boro
representatives in the convention of the Assam Tribes and Races Federation
was genuine and rightful. The region had every right to be free and
independent state after the British had left. But defying their right
India annexed the region to its dominion. Not only that, two other British
protectorate Boro kingdoms namely, Tripura and Koch Bihar were forcibly
taken over by expansionist India in 1949. Since 1937 election, the Boro
people have been taking an indirect part in Indian politics through the
reserved seats. After the British had left India the provision of seat
reservation was retained by India under the Article 330 and 332 of the
Indian constitution. The number of reserved seats has been raised to 13 in
the state Assembly of 126 strength. They have been allotted one reserved
seat in the Lok Sabha (parliament). However the political experiences of the last 5 decades have
made it clear that under the present political and administrative set up
the Boro people will never be able to safeguard and protect their interest
and identity. The elected members of the reserved seats are too few to be
able to exert pressure on the state and central governments on matters
concerning welfare of their people. Moreover there are accusations that in
many cases the reserved constituencies are delimited in such a way that
the tribal population ranges from 28 to 48 percent of the total population
of the constituency (resulting in defeat of the Boro candidates), though
in most cases it could be raised from 60% to 70%. As a result in those
constituencies the non-tribal voters become a either dominating or
deciding factor. The elected tribal members are obviously not free to
represent the sentiments and interests of the tribals but they are
constrained to focus the case of the non-tribal voters31. Their
long involvement in Indian politics gave the Boro people nothing except
deception, deprivation and discrimination in the manner of colonial
rule. In India’s post-independent era the Boro Thunlai Afat – a literary organization was formed on the 16th November 1952 to revive the Boro language and the culture that were on the deathbed. The Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA), a new political party was also founded in 1967. In the same year All Boro Student Union (ABSU) also came into being. The PTCA launched vigorous mass movement to get a separate state – Udayachal for the Plains Tribals within the Indian constitution for nearly 25 years. The ABSU from time to time lent their helping hands towards the PTCA movement. Later the PTCA got fragmented into PTCA and PTCA (Progressive). The latter metamorphosed into UTNLF ( United Tribal Nationalist Liberation Front) in 1984. Thus the Boro
movement failed due to internecine and rivalry among the leaders. All Boro Students Union started a
similar movement in 1986 to create a separate state Boroland within the framework of Indian Constitution. The Boro Accord between the ABSU
and state government under the supervision of the Minister of State for
Home Affairs of India was signed on 20th February 1993, and
formed Boroland Autonomous Council (BAC). The council could not be
operative due to manifold deficiencies in its structure. The Council does
not have any constitutional validity or financial and legislative powers.
Thus the agreement could not meet the long cherished aspirations of the
Boro people. Freedom is prerogative rights of every nation. Every nation however small and weak has the right to live as a free and independent nation. But the imperialist India is illegally occupying the Boroland and the land of other nationalities and exploiting the peoples with suppressive colonial rule. Whenever there is suppressive rule and a nation is despised by the dominant nation there has been uprising openly or subversively in human history. So the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) was born out of the circumstances on the 3rd October 1986, with its principle and ideology to liberate and save the Boro people and their inherited land from the foreign occupation and expansionism. Now everywhere the Boro people are fighting against suppressive colonial rule of India. The National Liberation Front of Twipra (NLFT), Tripura Peoples’ Democratic Front (TPDF), Kamatapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), Dima Halam Daoga (DHD) and Achik National Volunteers Council (ANVC) have been waging war against the Indian occupation. But everywhere India is unleashing the state terrorism. The occupational Indian forces are intimidating, harassing and murdering the Boro people in cold-blooded. But the Boro people and the NDFB in keeping cooperation with all the organizations that are fighting against the suppressive colonial rule of India are steadfast to wage a war of resistance till they achieve their goal. REFERENCE
1. Rev. Sidney Endle, the Kachari, London, 1911, P1 2. A.G. Grierson, The Linguistic Survey of India, vol – III part ii P1 3. Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Gauhati, 1981 (Rpt) P 247 4. S.K.Chatterjee, Kirata Janakriti, Calcutta, 1974. Pp5, 15-16 5. G.P. Singh, The Kirata in Ancient India, New Delhi, P48 6. A.G. Grierson op. cit. P1 7. Ibid P1 8. Ibid P1 9. Rev. Sidney Endle op. cit. Introductory Chapter, London, 1911, P – xv 10. RM Nath, The Background of Assamese Culture, Gauhati, 1948, Pp 15-16 11. A.G.Grierson op. cit. vol - iii Part 1 P14 12. E.T. Datta, Tribal History of Eastern India, New Delhi, 1973, P69 13. The Census of India 1971:Assam Social and Cultural C-vii and C-iii series part ii c(i), Government of India, New Delhi, 1973, 14. The Census of India 1961. Vol- iii Assam Part v-A, Rpt of Report of the Census of Assam, New Delhi, Pp 8 and 30 15. The Census of India, 1881, 1891,1901,1961, and 1971, Assam Part Government of India, New Delhi. 16. Bhabenn Narji –Boro Kachari Somaj arw Sonskriti P131 17. C.Sanyal, The Meches and the Totos of North Bengal, Darjeeling, 1975. P6 18. Rev. Sidney Endle, op. cit. P33 19. Dhuparam Basumatari, Boro Kachari Sonskritir Kinchit Abhas, Pp 2-3 20. Ibid Pii 21. Ramdas Basumatary, Some Idea on Bathou in Bodosa Souvenir of The Boro Sahitya Sabha, 1980, P27 22. G.C. Basumatary op. cit. Pp 16-17 23. A.G. Grierson op. cit. vol - iii part 1 24. The Census of India 1961, op. cit. P7 25. Ibid 30 26. Figure Supplied by ABSU and BPAC in the memorandum to Dr. Bhupender Singh, Dr. K.S. Singh and Sri A.M Gokhale, Kokrajhar, April 8, 1991 27. Text of Agreement between The Assam Tribal League and Assam Muslim League, at Shillong, March 16 1940 28. Assam Gazette, October 22, 1947 29. Figure Supplied by Plains Tribal Council of Assam in the memorandum to the President of India, May 20, 1967 30. Vide Government Order NOS. RSO/26/64/P1/38 dt.30.7.69 Order No.22/11/49/memo. No. 1079(B) dt. 22/10/64 and etc. 31. Memorandum to the President of India. op. cit.
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