INTRODUCTION:

• As many political scientists believe, "the big losers in legislative recruitment everywhere have been women" (Matthews 21).
• While there has been an incremental change in the number of female legislators in recent years, there seems to be a feminist bias towards the issue of southern female legislators.
• Since the number of female political scientists has grown in the past thirty years, strongly correlating with the rise of female legislators, it is assumed that current research in skewed by personal bias in favor of feminist culture.
• In disregarding certain elements of the effect widows succession has had on women in legislative office, we are no closer to a solution to the problem of the low number of female legislators than we were decades ago.
• Most researchers control for two separate variables (south and non-south) when analyzing the representation of women in  legislative politics.  This cross-analysis gives the researcher a better idea of the impact certain regional characteristics have on the representation of women in southern legislative politics (Nuwer 449).
• In turn, this cross-analysis is not without bias by many researchers in the field of political science.  Since the South has traditionally been regarded as dominated by patriarchy and conservative politics, many researchers believe southern women have been the most damaged by widows succession.  By having little or no political experience, southern widows are viewed as weak legislators and a liability to political parties.
• Current research about widows succession does not take into account external influences as the widow's successful bid for the "seat" after her husband's term has expired, or even the relevance of widows succession on current southern politics.
• Moreover, current research fails to examine internal influences as party structure and dominance, or the competitiveness of the district in great detail.
• In researching this perplexing situation in legislative politics, I will argue that party recruitment, not widows succession, has been the cause for the low representation of southern women in legislative politics.

• "Widows succession" refers to a female who is appointed to her husband's elected office upon his death (Nuwer 450).
• In the event a male legislator dies while in office, his widow is the most likely replacement until a "special election"

can be called.  A "special election" is an election that is held under extraordinary circumstances other than during the primary or general election season.  A special election can be called for a variety of reasons, including, but not limited to: the retirement, expulsion, or death of an elected official ("Senate" 1).
• There are three main ways women can come into the U.S. Congress, which are matrimonial connections (widows succession), appointment, and election (Nuwer 449).
• To date, 185 women have served in the House of Representatives ("Bioguide" 1) and 31 women have served in the U.S. Senate ("Senate" 1).
• Women currently hold 73 of the 535 seats in the 107th Congress.  There are 60 female Representatives and 13 female Senators.  There are more women in the 107th Congress than any other congress in American history ("Senate" 1).

• As many feminist scholars have concluded, matrimonial connections have had a detrimental effect on the representation of southern women in legislative politics (Nuwer 461).
• By 1976, half of the Congresswomen to ever serve in the House of Representatives were widows, and came into Congress to fill the legislative seat of their deceased husbands.  Moreover, 73% of all female U.S. Senators in 1976 came to the Senate through widows succession.  In controlling for the South, four southern states (Arkansas, South Carolina, Florida, and Tennessee) had only widows to be elected to those state legislatures by 1976 (Nuwer 459).
• Even though these figures seem rather dismal and discouraging to congressional scholars, the first woman to serve in the U.S. Congress was Representative Jeanette Rankin, who was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1916 and then again in 1926 (Chamberlin 5).  While there have been a number of women who have either been appointed to a legislative seat, or have come to Congress through widows succession, history will recall the first woman to ever serve in the U.S. House of Representatives as being the first woman ever elected to serve to the U.S. Congress.  To a degree, Representative Rankin's tenure in the U.S. Congress can be hailed as a leading precedent in the women's movement.
• While men out number women in election to legislative office, widows succession seems to be less relevant in today's southern politics.  If widows succession were of any relevance in today's southern politics, we would see a noticeable increase in the number of widows appointed to office.  However, the data suggest women are being elected on their own merit, rather than being appointed to fill the vacant seats left by their deceased husbands.  For instance, of the current thirteen female Senators in the U.S. Senate, eleven were elected to their current congressional positions.  Only two female Senators serving in the 107th Congress have been appointed to their legislative seats.  In the 107th Congress, the first female Senator to be appointed to a legislative seat was Senator Kay Bailey Huchinson (R-TX), who was appointed to fill the vacant seat of a resigning Senator in 1993.  However, Senator Huchinson was not appointed through widows succession.  Conversely, Senator Jean Carnahan (D-MO) was appointed to fill the vacancy left by the death of her husband, Mel Carnahan.  Appointed in 2001, Senator Carnahan's husband passed away shortly before the 2000 elections ("Senate" 1).
• Even though widows tend to be less influential representatives, there have been several successful widows in legislative politics.  For instance, the first woman to ever be elected to the U.S. Senate was Senator Hattie Caraway, who was appointed to fill the vacant seat of her deceased husband, Senator Thaddeus Caraway.  After her husband's term expired, Senator Caraway made a successful bid for the Senate in 1932, and again in 1938 ("Senate" 1).
• Another example of a successful widow appointed to fill the vacancy of her deceased husband is Senator Margaret Chase Smith, who was appointed to her husband's House seat after he succumbed to a heart attack in the spring of 1940 (Chamberlin 141).  While Congresswoman Chase entered the U.S. House through widows succession, she served in the House of Representatives from 1940-49, and then served as a U.S. Senator from 1949 until her death in 1973 ("Senate" 1).  Moreover, Mrs. Chase has the distinction of being the first woman to be elected to both the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate (Engelharts 21).
• While Mrs. Smith had a successful career, according to most congressional researchers, her success in politics was not created on a whim.  Though her husband was an active participant in Montana politics, Mrs. Smith had her own political connections in the state.  For instance, when Mrs. Chase ran for Congress after her husband's term expired, she had her own political bases to draw financial and electoral support from.  As Hope Chamberlin argues, Mrs. Smith was not a political amateur when she sought her own career in politics.  When Mrs. Smith ran for the House of Representatives in 1942, many supporters and friends believed she ran the campaign like a "pro," which is an indicator of a strong political candidate (141).
• Since many political scientists believe widows succession has a significant impact on the number of women serving in the U.S. Congress, the impact elected female representatives have on legislative politics seems to be nonexistent.  Out of the thirty-one women who have served in the House of Representatives, nine women have been elected to the U.S. House of Representatives ("Bioguide 1).  Of the thirty-one women who have served in the U.S. Senate, thirteen female Senators have been elected to their current legislative seats.  The 107th Congress has the distinction of having the most female legislators than any other Congress in American history ("Senate" 1).
• Perhaps, the most alarming cause for concern by female political scientists is, what they believe to be, a hindrance to the women's movement and to women's rights.  Many researchers believe widows succession gives the electorate reason to doubt the viability of female legislators.  By having an attachment to the husband's name and usually no prior political experience, many political scientists believe widows succession further defines what a southern woman is, and how she is to be defined by society (Nuwer 458).  However, widows succession is less important in today's legislative politics as it once was.

• As Irwin Gertzog suggests, the pattern of widows succession began in 1923, which was six years after Representative Rankin was elected to office (820).
• Though widows succession began seventy-eight years ago, fewer legislators are dying while in office (820).
• If fewer legislators are dying while in office, it is reasonable to conclude that widows succession would have less importance on legislative politics as it once had (820).
• From 1916-1976, 364 representatives died while in office.  However,of those 364 representatives, only one out of seven spouses succeeded their husbands in office (822).
• Though widows tend to be appointed to their husbands' seats upon their deaths, other factors influence who will be appointed to fill the seat (823).
• Other factors influencing appointment to a vacant seat; include: party dominance, electoral make-up, the strength the deceased legislator had within the district, and the likely challengers to the legislative seat (824).
• As Mel Helinski argues, various factors not only influence the success of female legislators, but the probability widows have of appointment to their husband's legislative seats (1).
• For instance, the party dominance and electoral make-up of the district play an integral role in the appointment of a widow to her husband's elected position.  When assessing the chances of winning the legislative seat in the next election, a political party will evaluate their influence within the district (2).  There is some controversy regarding whether a political party will appoint a widow to a safe or unsafe seat.  Some scholars believe that political parties will appoint widows if the seat is "safe" for the party (Cooperman 125).  On the other hand, other scholars believe political parties will appoint widows if the district is considered to be an unsafe seat.  By appointing the widow to succeed her husband in office, many political scientists believe political parties will avoid potential interparty squabbles.  Moreover, the political party may be seen by the electorate in a favorable light by appointing the widow to her husband's legislative seat (Nuwer 458).  In any regard, political parties will evaluate their strength in the district.  Additionally, the political party will have to assess the electoral make-up of the district.  If the opposing party has a overwhelming majority of the electorate behind them, political parties may or may not appoint the widow to her husband's legislative seat (Helinski 2).
• The strength of the deceased legislator in the district and the chances of strong challengers to the seat play a major role in the political parties' evaluation of potential successors to a vacant legislative seat.  For instance, if the deceased legislator had high approval ratings and was a strong representative in Congress, the political party may be more inticed to appoint the widow to her husband's legislative seat.  However, if strong challengers vie for the seat, political parties may be discouraged from appointing the widow to the vacancy (2).

• Current political parties use a different set of criteria in assessing potential successors to vacant seats.  With an increase in emphasis on professional training for campaigns and the political experience of candidates, political parties will continue to use different and rather restrictive set of criteria for nominating candidates for legislative office (Gertzog 830).
• While political parties may avoid potential problems in the party and district by nominating a widow to fill the vacant seat, there is no guarantee that the widow would be an asset to the political party.  Essentially, political parties look to the future when nominating and appointing candidates.  Therefore, if the political parties see no incentive to appoint the widow to the seat, parties will be less inclined to do so (830).
• As Thomas Murphy argues, widows have been viewed as convenient, or non-controversial for political parties because there will be less tension among party elites to nominate someone to fill the vacant seat, and there will be an incentive to draw support from the constituency in the next election (45).  However, there are no conclusive signs that political parties nominate widows to succeed their husbands in office for a indefinite period of time.  Essentially, political parties will appoint a widow to the vacant seat until a replacement can be found and a "special election" called.  For instance, the first female to serve in the U.S. Senate was Rebecca Latimer Felton, who was appointed to replace another Senator.  However, Felton only served one day when a "special election" was held and the successor to office was elected.  Therefore, political parties seem to not have much faith in the ability of widows to successfully govern as their husbands did (46).

• While a substantial gender gap remains in legislative politics, there are several ways women can come into the U.S. Congress.  The three primary entries into Congress are matrimonial connections (widows succession), appointment, and election (Nuwer 449).
• Many political scientists, especially female researchers, have distorted facts concerning this subject.  As a result, we are no closer to a solution to the problem than we were decades ago.
• While many political scientists believe widows succession has an adverse effect on the representation of women in legislative politics, party recruitment is the actual cause of the low representation of southern women in legislative politics (Gertzog 831).

Chamberlin, H.  (1973)  A Minority of Members: Women In The U.S. Congress.  New York:  Praeger Publishers.

Cooperman, R. and B. Oppenheimer.  (2001)  The Gender Gap in the House of Representatives.  In L. Dodd and B.
    Oppenheimer (Eds).  Congress Reconsidered.  (pp.125-140).  Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Inc.

Gertzog, I.  (1980)  The Matrimonial Connection:  the Nomination of Congressmen's Widows for the House of
    Representatives.  Journal of Politics, 42 (3) 820-833.

Nuwer, D.  (2000)  Southern Women Legislators and Patriarchy In The South.  Southeastern Political Review, 28 (3)
    449-468.

"Senate Statistics"  27/9/01.  <http://www.senate.gov/learning/stat_14.html>.

"Women in Elected Office"  24/9/01.  <http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/facts/publ.html>.