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The Apostolic Nunciature in Romania

at the Beginning of the Communist Regime

1945-1950*

 

Cristian Vasile,

“Nicolae Iorga” Institute of History,

Bucharest

 

My paper analyses the activity of the Apostolic Nunciature in Romania with a special attention to the Italian representatives of the Holy See in Bucharest, and to Romanian Italian prelates and clergymen between 1945 and 1950, pre-eminently in the lights of the Romanian Secret Services’ documents. Therefore, this study does not aim at providing a complete chronological and theoretical account of the period. It may be useful in the following introductory paragraph to sketch some of the general features of the diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Central and Eastern European countries from the Soviet-controlled area immediately after World War II.

For the Soviets, the Roman Catholic Church was an “international organization”, while the Holy See was an important ally of the American “imperialist”, facts which were unacceptable in their eyes. The Communist governments from Eastern and Central Europe sought to restrain and then even to suppress the communications between the Holy See and local Catholics, therefore the activity of the Apostolic Nunciatures from these countries began to be closely supervised even as early as 1945. In Albania the Holy See’s representatives were accused of collaboration with the Fascist occupiers and were unscrupulously driven away immediately after 1944[1]. The Holy See continued after 1944 to recognize the legal Polish authorities which remained in exile in London[2], but the Communist government from Warsaw treated more carefully the Polish Roman Catholic Church in comparison with their Central European neighbor “comrades”. Nevertheless, the Concordat was denounced by the Polish authorities in September 1945[3]. Although in Romania the Concordat - which had been ratified in 1929 - was unilaterally revoked only three years later on July 17, 1948, it was many times infringed and avoided after the Communist takeover in March 1945.

One of the most prominent Italian prelate in Romania was undoubtedly monseigneur Andrea Cassulo, the apostolic nuncio in Romania from 1936 to 1947, when he was practically forced to leave the country. After their takeover, the Romanian Communists suspected the Holy See of trying to change the Romanian religious map by converting its

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inhabitants to Roman Catholicism. Some Romanian Greek Catholic monks (former Orthodox[4]) pleaded vigorously for the religious union of Orthodox Church with Rome and their actions were sustained especially by the Prayer’s Front, a Catholic initiative animated by the Romanian Italian professor Iosif Frollo and msgr. Vladimir Ghika[5]. The Intelligence services were aware about their initiative and therefore intensified their actions for supervising of the Apostolic Nunciature and Catholic and Orthodox prelates in order to prevent the possibility of an anticommunist “alignment” of the two Christian Churches.

After 1945, the Holy See wished for an improvement of the Catholic-Orthodox relations and in this context, at the beginning of 1946, took place the visit of the apostolic nuncio Andrea Cassulo and Alexandru Theodor Cisar, archbishop-metropolit of the Latin Archdiocese of Bucharest at the Romanian patriarch Nicodim Munteanu, who was very reluctant towards the Communist regime. When the Soviet government had invited Nicodim at the end of January 1945 to attend the ceremonies connected with the election of the Russian patriarch Alexis I, the Romanian patriarch personally declined under the pretext of his great age, his uncertain health, and the winter season[6]. The patriarch’s lack of sympathy and enthusiasm for the Romanian Communist Party and Marxist ideology annoyed the officials and determined them, even from 1945, to try the intimidation and blackmail of Nicodim. Moreover, the meetings from January 1946 between patriarch Nicodim and two Roman Catholic dignitaries: Andrea Cassulo and Alexandru Th. Cisar, gave rise to many worries, the Communists feared that the two Christian Churches – rivals on previous occasions – could now create a common anti-governmental and anti-Soviet front[7]. On the contrary, the representatives of the Romanian government wanted and pleaded for the approaching between the Russian Patriarchy – a tool in the hands of the Soviet leadership – and Romanian Orthodox Church, and they exerted a constant pressure, especially on patriarch Nicodim, to accept a bilateral meeting in Romania with Alexis, the Russian patriarch. According to some sources, A. Cassulo and Alexandru Cisar gave to the patriarch an anniversary medal from the Holy Father as a sign of appreciation in the spirit of Christian love[8] and proposed him the dignity of cardinal of the East with the end to facilitate the negotiations for the union with Rome of the entire Eastern European Orthodoxy[9]. These meetings between patriarch Nicodim and the two Catholic prelates provoked the suspicion and anger of the Communist authorities. The Orthodox-Catholic discussions continued in the following months and the agents of the Romanian Secret Service (SSI) pointed out that in March 1946 patriarch Nicodim visited the Apostolic Nunciature and in front of Andrea Cassulo he kissed a Pope Pius XII medal – “an act of recognition of the Holy Father’s supremacy in the Christian world”[10], according to SSI (an obvious exaggeration). After these events, in some clerical circles reached the rumor that

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the Romanian government would like to remove Nicodim from his high ecclesiastical office and to create a “group of Church diplomats” with the aim to direct firmly the Romanian Orthodox Church towards East (i.e. Russian Patriarchy)[11]. The authorities gave a clear warning, including to the Romanian Orthodox Church during the “war criminals trial” in spring of 1946. Thus, the position of Andrea Cassulo as diplomat and of his colleagues and Orthodox interlocutors became very uncomfortable, especially when the Communist authorities tried, for political purposes, to implicate and compromise him during the Marshal Antonescu’s trial judged by a Special Court in June 1946[12]. Since msgr. Andrea Cassulo became a sort of persona non grata in Romania, the Holy See sought to avoid the worsening of the diplomatic dispute and decided in 1946, much to the regret of the Romanian Catholic community, to nominate the internuncio Gerald Patrick O’Hara, former bishop of Savannah, as successor[13]. Nonetheless, the appointment of an American prelate as Holy See’s representative in Romania generated great hopes among the Romanian Catholics concerning a firm action of the Vatican[14]. Despite the hostile messages sent by the government, Nicodim did not give up and maintained a normal relationship with the Vatican prelates in Romania, and before Andrea Cassulo’s departure the patriarch and the former nuncio had tears in their eyes[15]. In spite of the “quarantine” imposed by the Government against him, Andrea Cassulo sought to contribute to the safety of the Roman Catholic Church and maintained the contacts with the Romanian people, especially with the political and diplomatic milieus, until his departure in March 1947[16]. Another Holy See diplomat of Italian background who worked for the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest as secretary was Guido del Mestri de Schönberg[17]. After his expulsion from Romania he was for a long time apostolic nuncio in Germany; in 1990, he returned in Romania with the occasion of the reopening of the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest.

For the Communists the Romanian Catholic priests (they had about three milion faithful at that time) proved to be more hostile in comparison with the other clergy (Orthodox, Protestant etc). The Holy See maintained after the World War II the denunciation of the Communist ideology and, thus, under the influence of this decision[18], the Catholic Church in Romania (all of its rites: Latin, Byzantine and Armenian) as well as the other sister Churches from Central and Eastern Europe, forbade the adhesion of the subordinate clergymen to the Communist Parties and organizations[19]. Thus, the Roman

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Catholic Church did not give its blessing to the Communist regime, and this hostile attitude was accompanied by the support of some subordinate laymen groups - the Association of the Greek Catholic Romanians (AGRU) and the Association of the Romanian Greek Catholic Students (ASTRU)[20] - in favour of the anticommunist oppositionn. Moreover, the Secret Service’s report noted on March 1, 1946 that ASTRU (organization which supported actively the Prayer’s Front) received through the agency of msgr. Vladimir Ghika “a substantial subsidy” from the Apostolic Nunciature. Thanks to this fact, Andrea Cassulo was very interested in the activities of ASTRU, concluded the SSI report[21]. In reply, the Communist appealed to obedient organizations and even the small Catholic Italian community in Romania did not escape from the state authorities’ pressure which pleaded for “enlisting” in the Communist or pro-Communist associations. Among the major figures of the Romanian Italian community was Antonio Mantica who came in Romania in July 1913 sent by the Vatican, but approved and paid by the Italian government as priest of the Italian Catholics of Bucharest. He belonged to the diocese of Vicenza and was for a few years missionary in Sudan[22]; he remained for three decades priest of the Italian church of SS. Redentore in Bucharest[23]. After their takeover the Romanian Communists encouraged the foundation and development of the Italian Patriotic Union[24], an obedient organization which had the aim of dividing the Romanian Italian colony. Faced with this attempt of penetrating the Italian community, the Apostolic Nunciature decided to intervene and actively supported the creation of a rival association – the Catholic Italian Group, animated by padre Antonio Mantica, the priest of the Italian parish of Bucharest[25]. This Group received an significant support from the Italian Legation and from important members of the Italian colony in Romania: Valerio Ongari, Giovanni Villa and Umberto Ricordini[26].

Probably, the Romanian Communists perfidiously relied on a religious feud, as well. For instance, in Southern Bukovina the German and Hungarian Catholic population had left in 1940 and after 1944 its Catholic churches were occupied by the Orthodox faithful. The authorities had allowed Orthodox to use the Catholic churches but they deliberately neglected the property right of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Iaşi. Andrea Cassulo was concerned that the Communists might ignore sine die the Catholic properties, so he pleaded for the recognition of the property rights of the Roman Catholic Bishopric of Iaşi.

But the authorities tried to speculate every discord even within Roman Catholic Church. Some documents spoke about alleged Romanian Greek Catholic bishops’ pressures on Andrea Cassulo after 1944 for punishing mgr Aron Marton, the Romanian Hungarian bishop of Alba Iulia who was accused for his attempts to convert the Transylvanian Greek

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Catholics to Roman Catholicism during the World War II[27]. The nuncio, “a good friend of the Hungarian prelate from Alba Iulia” – as insinuated by the SSI - refused to make a decision alone and sent the case to Vatican for a resolution. However, it goes without saying that such information must be confirmed by other sources because now we hold also favorable Greek Catholic opinions on Aron Marton.

The Romanian officials just like their Soviet masters estimated that the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest was a sort of Intelligence Agency (or even Espionage Department of the Vatican in the Communist speech). For example, a leading Romanian Italian clergy exponent after 1944 – msgr. Andrea Iovanelli - was blamed in the spring of 1946 by the SSI for organizing an ecclesiastical, political and social Intelligence Department. According to the SSI agents, the headquarters of this “Department” was right at the Apostolic Nunciature led by an other Italian – Andrea Cassulo[28]. The Catholic priests were frequently charged for using espionage channels. After Andrea Cassulo’s departure the Secret Services blamed Gerald Patrick O’Hara and his colleagues Guido del Mestri and John C. Kirk for the continuation of the “spying activity”[29]. Such accusations were repeated in a shameful booklet entitled Vatican – a meanly tool of the warmongers, edited by the Romanian Workers’ Party[30] Publishing House which stated that “the Roman pope has in its service an entire network of agents – Catholic priests and missionaries whose job is to spy and to send regularly reports to the Vatican […]. The Vatican became the most important center of espionage and spying training from the entire world”[31]. Therefore, many clergy were injailed especially from the beginning of the summer of 1947.

Moreover, the problem of the numerous arrested priests and the precarious state of the Catholic Church were the main topics of the discussion from December, 1947 between bishop Gerald Patrick O’Hara and representatives of the Romanian government. At the end of the meeting, O’Hara did not obtain much, and he declared openly that the real truth was hidden. It is clear that the Groza government began to promote a more rigid religious policy after September 1947 and its main objective was the subordination of all Churches, the last obstacle for the Romanian Communists after the suppression of the democratic opposition and abolition of the monarchy. So, 1948, a year dominated by the East-West confrontation, brought a fundamental change in the religious policy. On February 22, 1948 a provocative Communist attack on the Catholic Church took place: in a vehement speech the Communist leader Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej enunciated the anti-Catholic policy. Shortly after, the contact between the Catholic Church from Romania and the Holy See was effectively cut off under Article 40 from the Law concerning the Religious Cults, adopted on August 4, which stated that no religious community and none of its officials may have relations with

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religious communities abroad, except with permission of the Ministry of Religious Cults and through the Ministry of External Affairs[32].

Through the agency of the Apostolic Nunciature in Bucharest the Holy See vehemently protested in 1948-1949 against the suppression of the Romanian Greek Catholic Church and condemned the violation of the religious freedom, but the Communist authorities (especially the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) decisively rejected these justified accusations as “interferences” in the internal affairs of a sovereign and independent state[33]. Moreover, repeatedly the Romanian Communists infringed the elementary diplomatic practices and conventions: they illegally denounced the Concordat and in May 1949 the diplomats’ freedom of movement was drastically restricted[34].

On December 27, 1949 padre Antonio Mantica was summoned at the Ministry of Interior headquarters where he was practically arrested for 5 days. After psychic and physical pressures he accepted to declare publicly that he would leave “spontaneously” the country and not after an expulsion decree[35]. He left Romania on February 7, 1950 and after his expulsion the Italian church S.S. Redentore remained without a priest. The internuncio O’Hara and Scammacca del Murgo, the Italian ambassador in Romania, asked father Clemente Gatti whether he accepted to be the priest of the Italian colony in Bucharest. He was enthroned on February 11, 1950 but he did not have the title of parish priest. After the banishment of the Apostolic Nunciature’s diplomats[36], Clemente Gatti also received, on January 1, 1951 an order of expulsion without any motivation. Although the Italian Legation obtained a postponement, on March 3, 1951 the Italian Ministry of External Affairs gave clear instructions to its Legation from Bucharest to demand to Clemente Gatti to leave Romania immediately[37]. Since padre Clemente Gatti refused to obey, he was arrested on March 8, 1951.

As Pedro Ramet stated, for Marxists, religious policy and nationalities policy were parts of an organic whole[38]. After 1948 a furious anti-Western campaign was unleashed in Eastern and Central Europe, whose aim was to destroy the Western cultural values perceived as decadent and depraved: British, French and Italian Institutes and Libraries were closed by the Communist governments and the citizens of Western background (French, Italian, German etc) suffered, too. Thus, the fate of the Italian and Romanian Italian clergy is not surprising.

*

As we saw the Soviets and their obedient Romanian Communists imitators considered that the Vatican policy was enslaved by the warmonger American “imperialist”

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establishment and as a proof they invoked the nomination of American apostolic nuncios in Eastern Europe: Gerald Patrick O’Hara in Romania and Patrick Hurley in Yugoslavia[39]. In this anti-Catholic and suffocating climate Andrea Cassulo’s successor Gerald Patrick O’Hara was forced to leave Bucharest on July 7, 1950[40]. He was practically expelled. It is obvious that after 1945 the Holy See tried to counteract the Soviet anti-Catholic policy but we believe that it is an exaggeration to assert that the Vatican could “exert pressure” on Romanian Orthodox Church hierarchy for religious union with Rome, as some historians recently stated[41].

The Holy See’s diplomats in Romania were even since 1945 the object of a strong distrust because the pro-Communist government began to consider the Vatican as a “bulwark against Communism”. The ideological clash between the Roman Catholic Church and the state had important political consequences. The Communists interpreted the lack of political support of the Catholic Church as forbidding Catholic priests to engage in the “democratic” policy and therefore the Catholic clergy were labeled “reactionary” and “imperialist” like their “masters” from the Vatican, and especially after 1948 they have been charged with collaboration with the American and Vatican spies, and they spent years in Communist prisons. In recent years researchers have gained acces to new archival materials which revealed the brutality and the persecutions against the Romanian Catholic clergy of all rites.

At the same time the Communist Eastern and Central European Parties tried to convince their Roman Catholic Churches to break the canonical links with the Vatican and to transform them into “National Churches”. These attempts, a prelude to a future subordination, were firmly rejected by the Catholic hierarchy. The Communist intentions were rapidly deciphered by the Catholic prelates and representatives of the Vatican in Eastern and Central Europe. For example, early in the winter of 1946, Andrea Cassulo was aware of the fact that “the Soviet government has in its view, trough the agency of a skilful action, the creation of dissident Polish Roman Catholic Church which will break its ties with the Vatican and will become, for form’s sake, an autonomous Catholic Church, but in fact a Russian Patriarchy’s subordinate”[42]. Unfortunately for the Roman Catholic Church, the Western allies recognized the Soviet Union’s claims to pre-eminent influence in Eastern and Central Europe, thus the Holy See had no possibility to intervene in this part of the continent.

 

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© Şerban Marin, August 2002, Bucharest, Romania

serban_marin@rdslink.ro

 

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* Although the responsibility for the contents of the paper is entirely mine, I owe much to the support of colleagues and friends. Among those to whom I am especially indebted for their effort to facilitate the access to many sources are Oana Seceleanu, Violeta Barbu, Alexander Drace-Francis and, not least, Maria Pakucs.

[1] Other sources assert that another apostolic delegate Francisc Gisni was shot in 1948 by the Albanian secret police (Arhiva Serviciului Român de Informaţii - Archive of the Romanian Information Service, hereafter ASRI, fond D, dosar 2325: 186).

[2] Hansjakob Stehle, Eastern Politics of the Vatican 1917-1979 (translated by Sandra Smith), Athens, Ohio-London: Ohio University Press, 1981: 251. See also O. Halecki, A History of Poland, London-Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, [1978]: 329.

[3] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2325: 525

[4] Especially the archimandrites Teodosie Bonteanu and Daniil Ciubotaru (Ibid., dosar 2322: 45; Ibidem, dosar 2325: 16).

[5] Michel de Galzain, Une Âme de Feu. Monseigneur Vladimir Ghika, d’après les documents réunis par Mgr Bârlea, préface de Son Éminence Le Cardinal Feltin, Archevêque de Paris, Paris: Beauchesne, 1961: 128.

[6] Burton Y. Berry, Romanian Diaries 1944-1947 (ed. by Cornelia Bodea), Iaşi-Oxford-Portland: The Center for Romanian Studies, 2000: 72.

[7] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2324: 12.

[8] Ibidem..

[9] Ibidem: 304

[10] Arhivele Naţionale Istorice Centrale – Central Historical National Archives (hereafter ANIC), fond Direcţia Generală a Poliţiei, dosar 75/1946: 31.

[11] Ibidem: 1.

[12] Procesul mareşalului Antonescu. Documente, vol.1, edited by Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă, Bucharest: Saeculum I. O., Europa Nova, 1995: 186. Andrea Cassulo was accused for his alleged wartime favourable attitude toward the Antonescu’s Fascist regime.

[13] Ioan Marius Bucur, “Consideraţii privind politica religioasă a guvernului Groza, 1945-1947”, in Anul 1947 – căderea cortinei. Comunicări prezentate la Simpozionul de la Sighetu Marmaţiei (20-22 iunie 1997), (ed. by Romulus Rusan), Bucharest: Fundaţia Academia Civică, 1997: 348-349.

[14] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2322: 9. Msgr. Gerald Patrick O’Hara came in Romania in November 1946 after a deliberate delay provoked by the Allied (Soviet) Commission for Execution of the Armistice (Ibidem, dosar 2541: 1).

[15] Ibidem, dosar 2324: 190.

[16] He visited many times the Romanian “reactionary” diplomat Ion Condurachi who was his friend (they met first time in Egipt) (Author’s interview with Oana Seceleanu, October 19, 2001).

[17] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2541: 137.

[18] Bucur, op.cit: 346.

[19] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2322: 65; see also Cristian Vasile, “Biserica Română Unită după 1944”, in 22, X, no. 14 (476), April 6-12, 1999: 10.

[20] Both identified by the Romanian Secret Police (the Siguranţa) with Catholic Action (ASRI, fond D, dosar 2541: 123).

[21] Ibid., dosar 2324: 34; Ibid., dosar 2322: 8.

[22] Raymond Netzhammer, Arhiepiscop în România. Jurnal de război 1914-1918 (ed. by Ion Dumitriu-Snagov), Bucharest, 1993: 34.

[23] Francesco Molinari M.S., Padre Clemente Gatti o.f.m. Mons. Vladimiro Ghika. Eroi della fede in Romania, Bucharest: UCEREC: 12. The small Catholic community in Bucharest consisted of ethnic Italians, French, Germans, Hungarians, Romanians etc. However, it is not true that all Roman Catholics from Romania “were Hungarians or Germans” as Hansjakob Stehle stated (see Stehle, op.cit.: 264). In Bucharest and Western Moldavia there were many Latin-rite Catholic Romanians.

[24] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2324: 18.

[25] Ibidem, dosar 2541: 76.

[26] Ibidem.

[27] Ibidem, dosar 2327: 101.

[28] Ibidem, dosar 2324: 94. Later, Andrea Traian Iovanelli, who was a kind of substitutus episcopus for the Latin Archdiocese of Bucharest, will collaborate with the Communist regime (probably after moral pressures) and will be excommunicated by the Holy See (Author’s interview with Oana Seceleanu, October 19, 2001; see also Stehle, op.cit.: 267).

[29] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2541: 1-2.

[30] The new name of the Romanian Communist Party after February 21, 1948.

[31] Vaticanul, unealtă josnică a aţâţătorilor la război, [Bucharest]: Editura Partidului Muncitoresc Român, 1950: 14-15.

[32] Monitorul Oficial, CXVI, No. 178, Part I A, Wednesday, August 4, 1948: 6394; see also Janice Broun, “The Latin-Rite Roman Catholic Church of Romania”, in Religion in Communist Lands, vol.12, no. 1, Spring 1984: 168.

[33] Arhivele Ministerului Afacerilor Externe din România - Romanian External Affairs Ministry Archives (hereafter AMAE), fond Vatican, dosar 220, without number of the page; see also Ibidem, Problema 217/1948-1950, without number of the page.

[34] Ibidem (nota verbală nr. 5295/1949).

[35] Molinari, op.cit.: 12.

[36] Guido del Mestri (secretary and later auditor of the Apostolic Nunciature) was accused, in a trial that was staged against the Nunciature’s chauffeur Nicolae Popescu, of changing his priest’s cloathes with civilian ones for more efficient “spy actions” (see AMAE, fond Vatican, dosar 220, without number of the page).

[37] Molinari, op.cit.: 20.

[38] Pedro Ramet, Cross and Commissar. The Politics of Religion in Eastern Europe and USSR, Bloomington-Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1987: 38.

[39] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2327: 203; see also Giampaolo Mattei, Il Cardinale Alojzije Stepinac. Una vita eroica nella testimonianza di quanti con lui sono stati vittime della persecuzione nella Jugoslavia communista, City of Vatican: L’Osservatore Romano, 1999: 61, and Stehle, op.cit.: 260.

[40] La Santa Sede e la Romania. Documenti diplomatici, [Rome]: Ambasciatta di Romania presso la Santa Sede e La Librerie Editrice Vaticana, 2000: 220.

[41] See, for example Cristina Păiuşan, "Politica patriarhilor României şi ,,colaboraţionismul” cu organele statului", in Anii 1949-1953, cit.: 112.

[42] ASRI, fond D, dosar 2324: 60.