By JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr.
 

                 WASHINGTON — Having just returned from Kosovo, Serbia
                 and Bosnia, I am convinced that President Bush must change his
          position on America's role in the Balkans. During the campaign, the Bush
          team asserted that extended peacekeeping in the region is Europe's
          responsibility, not ours, and that long-term "nation building" missions only
          degrade our troops' combat readiness over time.

          My extensive experience in the region supports the view that precisely
          because the Balkans are central to Europe's security, they are central to
          our security — and thus require our active engagement. Indeed, the
          development of democracy in the Balkans and continued American
          leadership of NATO depend on an American military presence in Bosnia
          and Kosovo that lasts until the missions are successfully completed.

          Participation in these missions is seen in the Balkans as a litmus test of
          our commitment to stability and democracy in the region. What's more,
          Western Europe cannot move toward union and economic growth if
          Southeastern Europe languishes in poverty and ethnic hostilities. The
          massive refugee movements in the Balkans during the 1990's are only a
          prelude to what will happen unless the zone of democratic stability in
          Europe is extended eastward and southeastward.

          It is true that progress toward stable democracies and free-market
          economies will be uneven in the Balkans, with their fresh legacy of war,
          violence and economic catastrophe.

          But already in Kosovo and Bosnia, a new generation of leaders is
          emerging. And last fall, the Serbian people rid themselves of Slobodan
          Milosevic. Their new leaders, President Vojislav Kostunica of
          Yugoslavia and Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic of Serbia, appear to reject
          aggressive, xenophobic nationalism. My hope is that they will begin to
          educate Serbs about the crimes against humanity perpetrated in their
          name — an effort that includes cooperating fully with The Hague's war
          crimes tribunal.

          Meanwhile, Croatians have moved away from the authoritarianism of the
          late President Franjo Tudjman, with the new government in Zagreb
          cooperating with the war crimes tribunal. And Slovenia has fulfilled
          NATO's requirements for membership. That Balkan success story should
          be rewarded — by our support for Slovenia's admission to NATO.

          To be sure, we must make clear that our security umbrella and economic
          assistance will continue only if the Balkan nations pick up the pace of
          governmental reforms and only if Bosnia breaks free from the
          stranglehold of its three nationalist parties.

          Does this mean that we are intervening in the Balkans in part to aid
          "nation building"? Yes. The fact is, nation building, if done well, can
          prevent vastly more expensive full-scale military actions.

          Currently, America spends just 1 percent of its defense budget on its
          peacekeeping troops in Kosovo and Bosnia. Our European allies
          provide approximately four-fifths of these peacekeeping forces. But with
          our less than one-fifth contribution, we retain overall command of these
          forces.

          As for the issue of weakening our troops' war readiness, American
          commanders in Bosnia and Kosovo vigorously reject the notion that their
          missions degrade our troops' ability to handle other conflicts. They say
          the experience helps develop skills that enhance the soldiers' abilities in
          high- intensity conflicts.

          Dealing with Balkan conflicts has always been difficult. But America
          cannot afford to shy away from this challenge.

          Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of Delaware is the senior Democrat on the
          Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

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