The Move West
Expanding the Borders of New France
With the habitation in place at Kebec, and Poitrincourt seemingly tending to affairs in Acadia, Champlain went to visit Sieur De Monts at Chateau De Pons in Saintonge to discuss the future of their claims in the 'New World'.  He then made plans to return to Kebec but a riding accident (his horse fell on him) prevented him from leaving France.  While recuperating in Paris, he had to deal with a few domestic problems, centering around his young bride.

The time was drawing near when he and Helene would have to consummate their marriage.  However, his adolescent bride did not appear to be looking forward to the liaison and had become quite belligerent.  Understandably, a 40 something husband could not have held much appeal to a young girl who was just reaching puberty, and Samuel was neither dashing nor debonair, but rather a bit of a fuddy dud. 

Finally, in desperation she ran away from home, causing her parents to announce publicly that they had disinherited her for not honoring her marriage contract.  Reluctantly, she returned home to take her place as Champlain’s wife, but it was never a love match.  Whether they were ever intimate or not, was never mentioned, but the couple had no children to prove it one way or the other.

Her husband kept himself busy with his charts and musings, and published his first book:  Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain Xaintongeois, Capitaine Ordinaire Pour Le Roi, en la Marine, which met with only moderate success, but is now a bible for students of early Canadian history.

Still suffering from financial woes, his partner De Monts, sold his rights to Kebec to a group of merchants from La Rochelle; used the money to buy out his Rouen partners and once again reorganized his company, now operating under the name The Company of Rouen and St. Malo.   France had all but lost interest in Canada, as focus now shifted to Brazil, from where the Razilly brothers had  brought home a rich haul of lumber and spices.  However, this venture would prove to be short-lived when the French were driven out by the Portuguese in 1614.

The time was ripe, however, for De Monts to sell his ideas, but he needed a backer of prominence to champion his cause.  He found just such a man in the twenty-four year old Henri De Bourbon, Prince De Conde, Duc D’Enghien, who happened to be the cousin of the King and the Grande Prior of France.  He accepted a royal appointment as Viceroy of New France, and named Champlain as his lieutenant.

He then set out to sell licenses to French merchants who wished to trade in the area under his control.  This met with so much opposition, that it took a full year before the necessary documents were published. However, the snowball effect of such a scheme would be far reaching.  After all, how could France tell the Canadian people that they were only allowed to trade with anyone holding a license?  They had become savvy businessmen and were enjoying the rewards of free enterprise, after more than 10,000 years in the business of trade.
Regardless, the Company of Rouen and St. Malo began making plans to return to the New World and the profitable fur trade.  Nicolas De Vignau, the young lad that Champlain had sent to live with the Algonquin people in exchange for his adopted native son, Savignon, had returned to France with Pont Grave and brought the men up to date on his activities the previous year.

Unfortunately, he may have succumbed to a youthful exaggeration of the truth, telling Champlain that he had traveled up the Ottawa River and had seen the wreck of an English ship at James Bay.  Believing this to be Henry Hudson’s, the men were eager to return to Canada and with full support of the French Crown, prevent the Englishman from laying further claim to the area.

On the 29th of April, 1613, they arrived at Tadassouc, where a group of Montagnais eagerly sought out Champlain, whom they had not seen for some time.  The previous winter had been hard, and they had lost many to starvation.  They were invited onboard to enjoy a meal, while the recently appointed Lieutenant of New France, posted notices, warning interlopers that this company was under royal protection.  He then left for Kebec, arriving on May 7, and found his men in good health.  Though, the trading rights to the area had been sold, the new mandate gave them back, and anyone Frenchman wishing to trade would have to show proper documentation.

Of course, Conde sold these permits anytime he needed a little pocket money, and soon competition was as fierce as ever.  Added to that were the numerous free traders who raised the cost of goods, and without a strong military presence, the royal proclamations and trading permits weren’t worth the paper they were written on.  At Tadoussac, demand once again exceeded supply, and any hoped for profits went the way of the wind. At La Chine, Champlain told the natives he encountered, that his government had requested that he verify the claim of an English shipwreck, and they offered to guide him up the Ottawa River in exchange for his promise of military backing in their next war.  So on May 27, 1613; with two canoes, four sailors and one guide, he set out in search of his nemesis, as well as land where he could plant his flag.  On the way, they encountered a flotilla of Algonquin canoes, and he was able to recruit one more for his mission.

Young Vignau, led him to the village where he had spent the winter, introducing him to the Chief Tessoijats, who listened to the story of the spotted shipwreck, but immediately denied it.  He said that Vignau had never even left the camp, so couldn’t have found anything.  Of course, he may have also been protecting his own interests, but either way, about a hundred men from the village encircled the poor lad, chanting “liar, liar”,  and after threatening to cut his heart out, he recanted.  I guess anyone would under the circumstances, but the opportunity was lost to perhaps know the fate of the explorer Henry Hudson.
After his disappointing journey, Champlain and his men returned to La Chine just in time for the annual peltry fair.  There he encountered three ships belonging to Sieur De Maisonneuve from Saint-Malo, who was armed with trade permits, recently sold to him by Prince De Conde.  Champlain had already obtained a promise from the natives that they would only trade with those approved by him, so he had no alternative but to let him through.  Besides, he was able to hitch a ride with him back to France, arriving at Saint-Malo on September 16, 1613.

He now realized that exploration and the recruitment and underwriting of settlers, would have to be the driving forces behind New France.  French merchants were only interested in profit, so he would have to turn to the Religious Orders, who were looking for converts, not cash, if his vision was to materialize.  Therefore, he made plans to establish missionary outposts, sustained by a commercial base.  Originally, he wanted to invite the Jesuits, but was flatly refused.  Prejudices against the order were still strong in France, and they had many enemies in high places.  So instead he approached the Recollect Order of priests, and was able to secure from them a promise of four missionaries for Quebec.

He was also able to persuade several prominent merchants from Saint-Malo, Rouen and La Rochelle to join his enterprises, since De Monts was no longer in a position to provide financial support.  Badgered by lawsuits he had been forced to declare bankruptcy.  Once again, the controlling interest of New France was on the table, and a meeting was arranged with the new investors, which included Thomas Poree, Lucas Legendre, Mathieu Dusterlo and Daniel Boyer; Champain, De Monts, and Prince De Conde.  After much negotiation La Compagnie De Canada was formed and given exclusive right to the fur trade for a period of eleven years.  Conditions of the mandate, stated that they must present Conde with a new horse each year, pay Champlain a regular salary and bring out six families annually.  Sieur De Monts would still be a shareholder, but no longer an officer of the company.

The Royal Proclamation was granted on November 20, 1613, while Port Royal burned to the ground.  It would be several years before a French settlement would emerge from the ashes of Acadia, but it was full steam ahead for Quebec.  And while Samuel Argall was doing his dirty work in Acadia, the pirate Peter Easton, was using Harbor Grace as his base of operation, plundering 30 English ships in St. John's harbor, while other outlaws harassed the fishing fleet off the coast of Newfoundland. One thousand and eighty men would be captured and carried off by force over the next few years. 

Jamestown in Virginia was thriving; the Dutch were making plans to establish a trading post at Fort Orange (Albany, New York)  and hordes of English Puritans were about to descend on New England.  The New World was turned into a game board and it was France’s turn to roll the dice.
Once all the i’s were dotted and t’s crossed, preparations began in earnest for the La Compagnie De Canada to move forward with their plans to settle and administer their holdings in New France.  They purchased a ship, the St. Etienne and hired Pont Grave, to once again be at the helm. 

The four missionaries were from Champlain’s hometown of Brouage, and included three  Recollet friars; Denis Jamet, Jean Dolbeau and Joseph Le Caron, and lay brother Pacifique Duplessis.  After the new ship was blessed at Honfleur on April 24, 1615; the voyage was underway and the St. Etienne arrived at Tadoussac a month later.  Jacques Hertel, who had spent some time in Canada as a free trader, came along to act as interpreter. Eager to get underway,  the missionaries immediately made plans to settle in with the  native people and hoped to have their missions ready by fall.  This was not Father Le Caron’s first visit to North America, so he knew firsthand  just how harsh a Canadian winter could be.

Several shallops were outfitted with necessary supplies, and leaving Dolbeau and Duplessis behind to organize the construction of a residence and chapel at Kebec, the others departed for their planned voyage up-river.  When they had first reached Tadoussac, they were informed that the Iroquois were planning a renewed retaliation, and the Algonquin allies were once again looking to the French for their support.   But, first things first. Realizing that he would probably have to provide military backing on a regular basis,  Champlain petitioned the Algonquian High Council (who were still in control), to work out a deal that would be beneficial to them all.  First of all, he requested that the Council  lift the four-year travel restriction on the Ottawa River, that was preventing the Huron from coming to Kebec.  After long debate, they agreed, but only allowed the French restricted passage up the Ottawa river, for which they would have to pay a toll. 

The Algonquin also provided guides, possibly to ensure that the Frenchmen only saw what they wanted them to see, but also to pass the word of the upcoming war, and gain support along the way.  So, shoving off in two canoes, three Frenchmen; including Champlain, and ten Algonquin began their exploration.  The trip to Huronia involved many portages and the French had brought far too much gear, slowing down their progress immensely.

Just before reaching their destination, they met up with a war party of about 300 men, whom Champlain named Les Cheveux-Releves, which means “raised hair”, because of their “Afro” style do.  However, they were actually the Outaouais (Ottawas) who were in the area gathering blueberries, which they dried for winter use.  Graciously, their Chief drew the travelers a map using a piece of charcoal, and the party was once again on their way.
When they finally reached Huronia (Georgian Bay), they were not disappointed.  The area was beautiful and highly civilized, with a population of about 10,000; gathered into small fortified villages.  All around the land was lush and fertile, with tall trees; and the streams were teeming with trout and sturgeon.  Is it any wonder the Canadian people tried so hard to keep foreigners away from their paradise?

Going from village to village to pick up contingents for their army, he once again met up with Etienne Brule and his followers, who offered to lead them to the city of Carhagoua, about two miles from present-day Thunder Bay, which was the capital of the region.   When they arrived they found that Pere Joseph Le Caron, had already established himself there, but was having a very difficult time, so did not stay long.
Now that the Canadians had made good on their promise, by giving the French access to Huronia, Champlain had to keep up his end of the bargain by mustering an army against the Five Nations, which included his old enemies the Iroqouis and Mohawks.  After gaining support from the residents of the villages they visited, everyone agreed to rendezvous at Cahiague.  The little town soon swelled with the arriving warriors, as they prepared themselves for battle. 

Not that they couldn’t handle it. There were about two hundred wooden buildings, some as long as two hundred feet in length, at Cahiague, and the village was protected by palisades, thirty feet high.  For several days it must have looked like Mardi Gras, as the soldiers and civilians, danced, sang and partied until the wee hours, much to the dismay of Champlain, who was anxious to get going.  However, these traditional festivities were an important part of the prelude to war, where the men asked forgiveness of the Great Spirits and mentally prepared themselves for the battles ahead.

Finally underway in early September, they headed toward Lake Simcoe, gathering new recruits for their campaign.  Their strategy was to make contact with the Andastes Nation and persuade them to launch a simultaneous attack on the Iroquois fortress near the present New York- Pennsylvania border, while their party would attack from behind.   Etienne Brule was given the task of ensuring that they comply with the request.  The main body, meanwhile, headed for Lake Ontario (which Champlain named Lac Saint-Louis) and from there crossed into enemy territory.  They reached their objective on October 10 and immediately began to skirmish with the Onandaga.  The battle was inconclusive, with many wounded on both sides and one Frenchman dead.

The enemy fortress was too high to have any effect with their guns, so Champlain convinced his allies to construct a Cavalier, which was a platform that stood above the walls of the fort.  It didn’t take them long, and the next day several arquebusiers were posted on top of the platform, while the men below, on both sides of the wall, hurled stones, arrows and insults, back and forth.  When the guns were fired, the commotion below was so loud, that they had little effect, and though one created a fire, it was on the wrong side of the wall and easily extinguished.

Chaos ensued, as it became every man for himself, and finally in desperation, and hoping to regroup, Champlain ran into the protection of the forest.  Surprisingly, no one had been killed, but several were wounded and not eager to continue.  The Andastes had not yet shown up to raid from the opposite side, so they decided to wait until they did.  That never happened, and the allies retreated, not overly impressed with French military might.  Champlain was so weak that he had to be carried back to Montreal.  His allies would not even give him an escort.  They had been convinced that he could rid them of their enemies, but instead had made laughing stocks of them all.  French military might was not so mighty after all.
Champlain ran into Etienne Brule the following year at the annual peltry fair at La Chine, and found out from him the reason for the Andastes not joining them in their attack.  Apparently, by the time they had finished their prelude to war partying and reached the fort of the Onondagas, the battle was over and the victory celebration already underway. 

Therefore, they headed home while Brule made his way back to Huronia.  To make matters worse, he was kidnapped enroute by a band of Iroquois who tied him to a tree and began to torture the young man. While he was screaming and calling for the wrath of God, a thunderstorm gave credence to his threats, and he was released.  This latest defeat was a blow to Champlain’s plans, and though he was eventually able to at least negotiate peace between the various Algonquin nations, the Iroquois became the undisputed masters of the Great Lakes.
Despite the setback, Champlain and his missionaries continued to expand their French settlements, and build a relationship with the Canadian people.  Wintering with the Huron, he studied their culture and gathered as much information as he could about the Great Lakes.

Much to his surprise, he found that the people were very content with their way of life.  They worked hard, especially the women and while there were times when they might have to do without, their strong sense of family and community always got them through.  They lived in wooden lodges, within a fortified village, and enjoyed the comforts of domestic life.  The women fished, cultivated crops, made clothing, prepared meals and took care of the children; while the men hunted, constructed and repaired buildings; and went to war.

Genealogy was passed on through the mother, as was any property the family may have acquired.  They ate a lot of fish and wild game, but also pumpkin and squash, which they roasted on the ashes.  Another favorite, to which Champlain had taken a liking, was cornbread, to which they added red beans, raspberries, blueberries and plums.  The children were taught at home, and held a very high place of honor in the community.  They were rarely reprimanded and never punished, especially by striking, which to the Europeans was inexcusable.  As a result, they felt that most of the native children were unruly, though perhaps just weren’t used to the young being allowed to express themselves.

They were very open sexually, believing it to be a spiritual act, and not something “dirty”.  Most lost their virginity at a young age, and would have many partners before settling down with their mate.  This of course, would make paternity at times difficult, which might explain why heredity passed through the mother,  who would have a difficult time denying that the child was hers.

Since any consequence to a clandestine liaison would fall to the female, the males wishing to win her favour,  would have to present his lover with a small gift, usually beads or other trinkets.  The girls would add each of these to her belt, so that the longer the belt, the more popular the girl, and I’m sure they proudly flaunted it as proof of how desirable they were.  These belts would then become part of their dowry, for her mate to wear with pride. Often, they were several yards in length, so after all, did this not say something about his ability as a lover that she chose him after trying so many others?

Champlain himself did not add any trinkets to anyone’s belt, and reluctantly left for Montreal on May 20, 1616; after spending the winter with the Huron people, whom he grew to like very much.  When he arrived at La Chine near the of June, he met up with Pont Grave who had recently returned from France with several more Recollet fathers to bolster the settlement.
The rest of the summer was spent preparing the area for new settlers.  Buildings and homes of locally baked brick and lime were constructed and schools for the native children were opened at Trois Rivieres and Tadoussac.  Gardens were progressing nicely and the fruit trees imported from Normandy were beginning to bloom. 

Finally, in late summer, Champlain returned home with two of the Recollet fathers; Jamet and Le Caron, leaving Dolbeau and Duplessis at Kebec to hold down the fort.   They arrived at Honfleur on September 10, 1616; to learn that their benefactor, Prince De Conde, had been arrested and thrown into the Bastille.  He was back to square one.
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